OrientalismStudies.com

ORIENTALISM

A Glossary

Last Revised: June 2018

Since 1978 when Prof. Edward W. Said published his groundbreaking work, Orientalism, scholars of Orientalism have expanded and refined the meaning of the notion of Orientalism, and in the course of things they have invented literally hundreds of terms to describe particular Orientalisms. And because the study of Orientalism spans a number of fields, the various scholars working in their individual fields have devised their own sets of Orientalisms. The result has been, to say the least, a confusion of Orientalisms—"chaos" may not be too strong a word. Not infrequently, one term is used in different and even contradictory ways meaning one thing in one source and another in another. More often, two scholars or groups of scholars name the same Orientalism using two different modifiers; this is particularly true of the term ideological Orientalism, which has a veritable treasure trove of synonyms. Or again, two terms may seem to have the same meaning, but there are nuances or implications that differ. Thus, as one example, the meaning of nesting (nested) Orientalisms is similar to internal Orientalism to a degree, but not entirely. The study of Orientalism, furthermore, is an ongoing process, which inevitably leads to giving new meanings to old terms and inventing new terms to name new insights (which sometimes aren't actually new but still get a new name).

The purpose of this glossary is to address and, it is to be hoped, reduce that complexity by listing, briefly describing, and cross-indexing the many different Orientalisms found in the scholarly literature.

The glossary does this by providing a brief description of each term listed, sufficient to provide users with an initial orientation to its meaning. These entries are as purely descriptive as possible, and they are not intended to reconcile contradictory usages or to evaluate the efficacy of a given term. Nuances and details are left to the further study of users. The references appended to each entry, which link to a bibliography of glossary sources, provide typical examples of the usage of a term. They are not suggestions for further study as such. Since the definitions of the terms in this glossary were developed primarily through online searches, it is entirely possible that scholars have used a given term in ways other than described here. In consequence, this glossary is very much a "work in progress," more-or-less permanently so. The breadth and complexity of the field means that it is impossible even to contemplate a "complete" set of entries for all of the names for Orientalism.

For all of its complexity, Orientalism as a field of study is highly useful, at times exciting, and worthy of study. I offer this glossary in the hopes that it will help students of Orientalism make sense of it all. Enjoy!

Herbert R. Swanson
September 2016


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THE GLOSSARY

A

Aboriginal Orientalism

Scholars in the late 19th and earlier 20th centuries used this term to describe the physical and mental characteristics of indigenous peoples in North America, the Philippines, and elsewhere (including Ireland), which were supposed to have an Oriental heritage. They imagined and constructed these people to have the usual and essential traits of Orientals, such as being childish, ignorant, mystical, taciturn, and so forth. This term has long fallen into disuse except for rare references by modern-day scholars.

Sources & Examples: French, 1905; Warren, 2014; Winton, 1917.

See also: Australian Orientalism, Canadian Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Abstract Orientalism

Scholars, including art critics, generally use this term in one of two ways. First, it has been widely used since the 19th century to describe an artistic style or form, often associated with Romanticism, that was imagined to represent the exotic, mysterious, and mystical East. Thus, Western fine arts and crafts—including fashion, architecture, painting, ornamentation, opera, furnishings, and poetry—portray an Orient that is removed or detached (“abstracted”) from the real world. Second, much less often scholars use this term, mostly in passing, to describe the ways in which ideological Orientalisms are used to imagine and construct Orients, such as a “spiritual” Orient, that are removed (“abstracted”) from Asian realities. For the most part, these two usages represent two different, unrelated traditions in the use of this term, the first being much the older and more common. Both, however, treat the Orient as having an essential, exotic, and alien identity, which is easily distinguishable from that of the West—whether artistically or ideologically. [revised 5/17]

Sources & Examples: Brimnes, 1999; Bryce, 2013; Clancey, 2006; Crinson, 1996; Day, 1894; Dobe, 2015; Gallo, 2004; Varisco, 2010.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Academic Orientalism

Scholars use this term widely and frequently to refer to the most important single form of Orientalism as the notion was first described by Edward W. Said (1978). Less frequently, scholars use the synonomous terms scholarly Orientalism or scholastic Orientalism instead of academic Orientalism. This term has historically included the whole field of the scholarly study of “the Orient” including scholars, educational institutions, scholarly societies, publications and journals, conferences and seminars, and everything else that went into making it a field of study. There is some consensus that academic Orientalism since World War II has been superseded by the modern field of Asian studies including Middle Eastern and Islamic studies. Scholars differ, however, over the origins and early development of this field, some seeing it going back into ancient or medieval times, others arguing for varying dates of origin up to the 18th century. It is generally held that academic Orientalism had its roots in European biblical and theological studies and in its early manifestations were often related to Christian missionary concerns. Philology, originally, was the queen of Orientalist scholarship. Mature academic Orientalism emerged late in the 18th century and came to full bloom in the 19th century. Scholars also differ on the relationship of academic Orientalism to the larger notion of ideological Orientalism. Just how “Orientalist,” that is, was academic Orientalism? Said claims that the field was a tool of colonialism and a manifestation of Eurocentrism that promoted dualistic stereotypes of an inferior, declining, and essentially static Orient compared to an advanced, dynamic West. Orientalist academics, he argues, believed that it was their duty to speak for and, in a sense, reclaim the Orient—to define it and thereby dominate it. In reaction to Said, other scholars point out that academic Orientalism produced massive amounts of truly scientific work that often contradicted Orientalist stereotypes and prejudices and that contributed significantly to the modern study of Asia including the Middle East and Islam. Some accuse Said of himself treating academic Orientalism as an a-historical category, assigning it its own essential, unchanging, and negative nature. The issues surrounding these debates are made still more complex by the fact that academic Orientalism emerged, developed, and was expressed in different ways in different Western nations. Thus, for example, scholars debate the similarities and differences between German academic Orientalism and the French and British versions, which are the versions most closely examined by Said. Russia, beginning at around 1800, also developed its own distinctive approach to the scholarly study of Eastern peoples, which is called "Orientology". Scholars have also recognized that Asian scholars, notably in India, participated in and influenced the development of academic Orientalism while usually accepting its central premise that the Orient is essentially different from the West. [revised 8/17]

Sources & Examples: al-Azm, 2000; Irwin, 2011; Jouhki, 2006; Knight, 2000(b); Lampert-Weissig, 2010; Pick, 2009; Ray, 2007; Said, 1978; Snedecker, 1990; Tolmacheva, 1995.

See also: Accidental Orientalism, Arabic Orientalism, Caribbean Orientalism, Celticism, Classical Orientalism, Comparative Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Ethnographic Orientalism, Hegelian Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Indological Orientalism, International Congress of Orientalists, International Orientalism, Institutional Orientalism, Islamic Orientalism, Kantian Orientalism, Learned Orientalism, Oriental Renaissance, Orientology, Philological Orientalism, Philosophical Orientalism, Pre-Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Scottish Orientalism, Semitic Orientalism, Sinological Orientalism, Sociological Orientalism, Sub-Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Accidental Orientalism

Scholars tend to use this term and its two closely related terms, unintentional Orientalism and inadvertent Orientalism, in passing and generally not as technical terms as such. Although not rare, “accidental Orientalism,” is also not commonly used; “unintentional Orientalism,” is used still less often; and “inadvertent Orientalism” verges on being rarely used. Scholars use all three to describe situations in which even those who are self-aware of Orientalist prejudices unwittingly speak or act in Orientalist-like ways that still imagine and construct Asians as having essential and exotic natures. Instances include sloppy scholarship, observations about Asia that may be realistic but still reinforce Orientalist prejudices, or more generally language, attitudes, or behaviors that can be taken to be expressions of ideological Orientalism. Although not intended to be technical terms, all three of these terms point to the insidious nature of ideological Orientalism and the ways it can infect even the most well-meaning descriptions of “the (Oriental) Other.” These terms are distinguished from hidden Orientalism, which does not address whether or not the Orientalisms involved are intentional or not; they do, however, describe the same phenomenon as that in the second meaning of covert Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Accidental: hasaka212, 2013; Spackman, 2017. Inadverten: Menski, 2007; Unintentional: Elsayed, 2015; Ghavri, 2016.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Covert Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Aesthetic Orientalism

Scholars use this extremely broad, widely-used term, which originated in the 19th century, along with the terms Orientalist Aesthetic(s) and artistic Orientalism, to describe the ways in which Orientalist artists and crafts people have imagined and constructed “the Orient” as the exotic, timeless Other whose alluring beauty can be captured and embodied in works of art and craft. Western aesthetic Orientalisms reached their pinnacle in the later part of the 19th century, but they continue to shape international perceptions of Asia including the Arab Middle East down to the present. At its height, aesthetic Orientalism both influenced and was influenced by Romanticism. While Edward W. Said (1978) did not use these terms, he did point out that the aesthetics of the Orient played an important, if sometime ambiguous, role in imagining and constructing the essentially exotic, timeless, sensuous, brutal, and inferior Other of Saidian Orientalism. Since Said, scholars have engaged in an intense debate over how complicit Orientalist aesthetics has been politically to colonialism and imperialism. That debate has led to the insight that aesthetic Orientalism is a highly complex notion historically, culturally, and artistically; and there are no easy answers in discerning its relationship to ideological Orientalisms and political Orientalisms. Scholars point, for example, to the music of the British composer Muslimgauze (Bryn Jones, 1961-1999), the work of the French fashion designer, Paul Poiret (1879-1944), and that of the American painter, John Singer Sargent (1856-1925), as examples of Orientalist artists who have treated their subjects with an Orientalist’s assumed authority but also with greater sensitivity and understanding than has usually been the case. Sargent’s 1880 painting, "Fumée d’Amergris" ("Smoke of Amergris") is illustrated here. Matters are made further complex by the fact that Western Orientalist aesthetics have also influenced indigenous Asian art including Asian immigrant art in the West, which in turn has led to Asian aesthetic reverse Orientalisms that “speak back” to the West. Thus, at times aesthetic Orientalisms are mostly about the West's search for a self-identity that has imagined the Orient as its alter-ego, usually essentially inferior and uncivilized but sometimes as the mystical, spiritual East that is superior to the West. At other times, however, they are about the relationship between the East and the West and how each influences the other through the lives of individual artists practicing a wide range of arts and crafts—including even the "art" of smoking cigarettes. Scholars also point out the commercial importance of those works both in exploiting Asians and in communicating alternative images of them. Commercial Orientalisms were particularly important in the Victorian era and again in the 1920s when, among other things, they promoted new, less form-fitting clothing alternatives. [revised 12/17]

Sources & Examples: Aoyama, 2007; Benjamin, 2003; Benjamin, 2004; Bertsch, 2009; Brody, 2010; Cheung, 2012; Diener, 2007; Hart, 1895; Khakpour, 2006; Martín-Muñoz, 2013; Mauclair, (1903); Mizumura, 2009; Nash, 2005; Rodinson, 1988; Rosenblatt, 2009; Said, 1978; Steiner, n.d.;. Taleb, 2009; TumSuden, 2016; Westmoreland , 2009; Yoshihara, 2003.

See Also: Abstract Orientalism, Animal Orientalism, Arabic Orientalism, Architectural Orientalism, Artificial Orientalism, Comic Orientalism, Caribbean Orientalism, Celticism, Commercial Orientalism, Cosmopolitan Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Desert Orientalism, Economic Orientalism, Ethnographic Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Greek Orientalism (Modern), Hybrid Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, International Orientalism, Levantine Orientalism, Literary Orientalism, Local Orientalism, Magical Orientalism, Musical Orientalism, New Orientalism, Orientalist Exotica, Orientalist Exoticism, Orientalist Gaze, Pictorial Orientalism, Political Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Scottish Orientalism, Seaside Orientalism, Sexist Orientalism, Theatrical Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism, Transorientalism, Visual Orientalism.

Affirmative Orientalism

Richard J. Fox is widely credited with first using this term, as early as 1989. Scholars use it to describe a form of positive Orientalism frequently closely associated with Romantic Orientalism, which is most often used in relationship to India and South Asia. A number of scholars have used this term to argue that Edward W. Said’s description of ideological Orientalism (a.k.a. Saidian Orientalism) is too negative and one-sided. They observe that in Europe, the United States, and South Asia, various spiritualist movements and thinkers have expanded or inverted ideological Orientalism to imagine a spiritually superior East in contradistinction to a materialistic, a-moral West. Advocates of affirmative Orientalism see it as divorcing Western categories of power and domination from the notion of Orientalism itself; and various scholars evaluate affirmative Orientalisms as being examples of either reverse Orientalism (“good”) or self-Orientalism (“bad”), depending on the scholar and the context they are describing. They thus also differ on whether or not affirmative Orientalisms mark a departure from Saidian Orientalism or, instead, demonstrate its power to infect Asian thinking with a Western fixation on dualistic essences and stereotypes—or a combination of the two.

Sources & Examples: Ahmad, 2009; Burgess, 2011; Clarke, 1997; Fox, 1996; King, 2005; Lennon, 2004; Munroe, 2012; Steger, 2000 .

See also: Constructive Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Subversive Orientalism, Sympathetic Orientalism.

Afro Orientalism. See Black Orientalism.

Alternative Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe ideological Orientalist discourses and practices that in some way alter the usual configuration of Orientalist prejudices and even push the boundaries of what can be considered Orientalist. These alternative discourses and practices may rework Orientalist themes, change the ways Orientalist values or categories are valued, or challenge and seek to subvert Orientalist prejudices. Alternative Orientalisms, in theory, remain Orientalist. As scholars use the term, however, these alternative discourses and practices may rely only partly on dualistic, essentializing categories to describe the alien Other. In some cases, scholars use this term to name discourses and practices alternative to Orientalism, which are not technically Orientalist at all.

Sources & Examples: Gu 2013; Lewis, 1996; López-Calvo, 2007; Ma, 2000; Schmidt, 2014; Yew, 2014.

See also: Cosmopolitan Orientalism, Counter-Orientalism, Dialogic Orientalism, Dissident Orientalism, Inverse Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism.

Ambivalent Orientalism

Scholars use this term only infrequently; but when they do use it, they generally use it in one of two ways. First and more often, some use it to describe treatments of an (Oriental) Other that imagine and construct the Other in mixed, contrasting terms that reflect positive and negative sides or aspects of that Other, such as seeing the Orient as having a glorious past and inglorious present. Second and much more rarely, scholars use this term to describe the mixed feelings, interpretations, and uses of an “Oriental” Self concerning its own ethnic heritage. Rosanne Hughes thus sees Chinese Americans artists and writers historically embrace the image of foot binding as an element of their cultural identity (self-Orientalism) but also treating it critically (de-Orientalism).

Sources & Examples: Aiken, 2010; Hughes, 2017; Thelen, 2011.

See also: De-Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Ancient Greek Orientalism. See Greek Orientalism (Ancient).

Ancient Orientalism

Scholars use this term in their debate concerning the proposition that Saidian Orientalism existed in the ancient world, whether Greek, Roman, or in the ancient Near East. Speaking to specific historical peoples and situations, some scholars argue for the existence of a dualistic, ideological Orientalism in classical antiquity while others deny that possibility. Some further argue that more recent Orientalisms have their roots in the ancient world while, again, others deny any such connections. Thus, this term is used in one of two ways, one usage purporting to reflect the actual thinking of ancient peoples and the other claiming that “ancient Orientalism” is a modern phenomenon that imposes ideological Orientalism on the past.

Sources & Examples: Forth, 2012; Gawlikowski, 2014; Sachs, 2014; Said, 1995 [1978]; Sweeny, 2013; Vasunia, 2003.

See also: Greek Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Martime Orientalism, Renaissance Orientalism, Roman Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Animal Orientalism

Scholars use this term only very rarely and then only in passing to describe ways in which animals are imagined, constructed, and exploited as an essentially inferior "Other" that is the opposite of the human race. Sherryl Vint uses the term sapien Orientalism and draws parallels between colonialism and the relationship between humanity and animals in early science fiction. This term is also used very rarely in the art world to describe artistic renderings, notably paintings, of animals in what is taken to be an exotic, “Orientalist” style. A form of this Orientalism, simian Orientalism, however, is much more widely used.

Sources & Examples: Moses, 2003; Vint, 2010.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Simian Orientalism.

Anthropological Orientalism

Scholars generally use this fairly infrequently used term in one of two ways. First, most of those who do employ it use it to refer to the 19th century origins and early stages of the academic field of anthropology when proto-anthropologists imagined alien societies as having essential, unchanging natures and their own Western civilization as being the superior measure by which alien societies were understood. This anthropological Orientalism was heavily influenced by Romanticism. Maussian Orientalism is a term used by James G. Carrier to describe the ways in which early Orientalist anthropologists abstracted particular characteristic of an alien society into essential absolutes—seen again through the lens of Western social practices. Second, a few other scholars use this term to describe a class of 19th century European artists, notably John Fredrick Lewis (1804-1876), who travelled in the Middle East making realistic sketches of “Oriental” subjects and whose painting, A Cairo Street, is illustrated here.

Sources & Examples: Carrier, 2012; Everett, 2016; Kapferer & Theodossopoulos, 2016.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Aesthetic Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Anti-Arab Orientalism. See Arab Orientalism.

Anti-Islamic Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in two closely related ways. First, they use it as a synonym for ideological Orientalism in the specific context of the study of Islamic peoples, nations, and cultures. Very rarely, the term anti-Muslim Orientalism is used in this first sense. Second, still more specifically, scholars use this term to refer to Saidian Orientalism including what Edward Said termed Islamic Orientalism—that is, the Western academic field dedicated to the study of Islam and Arabic peoples, including that field's deep-seated prejudices toward both Islam and Arabs.

Sources & Examples: Lowe, 2007; Woodward, 2011.

See also: Dogmatic Orientalism, Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Islamic Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Anti-Jewish Orientalism. See Jewish Orientalism.

Anti-Muslim Orientalism. See Anti-Islamic Orientalism.

Anti-Orientalism

Scholars generally use this widely used term in two distinct and different ways. First, scholars at times associate this term with Edward Said’s critique of the field of Oriental studies (“Orientalism”) and those scholars who have embraced his perspective. Said is usually considered to be the premier anti-Orientalist, and “anti-Orientalism” is thus closely associated with Saidian Orientalism and its critique of Orientalism. This term is particularly used by scholars who either reject Said’s analysis entirely or consider it to be seriously flawed in particular ways. Others including some Asian scholars, however, use this term in a more positive way, embracing its anti-Orientalist critique of ideological Orientalism. Second, Scholars also use this term to describe historical anti-Asian racism in the United States and Canada, especially on the West Coasts of both nations.

Sources & Examples: First usage: Gran, 2013; Gupta, 2012; Lewis, 1993; Sayyid, 2003; Szurek, 2015. Second usage: Daniels, 1962; Kluckner, 2005.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Racial Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Anti-Semitic Orientalism

This term itself appears rarely in the scholarly literature; but when it does appear, it is used to refer to a form of historical European ideological Orientalism, originating in the 19th century. That Orientalism imagined a negative stereotype of the Jewish people, constructing them as being the "Eastern Jews" (Ostjude) who were essentially alien, weak, feminine-like, and dangerous to Western civilization. Even when this term itself is not used, several scholars have given attention to Edward W. Said’s observation that Semitic Orientalisms and anti-Semitism have the same origin and are parallel phenomenon in important ways. Frank F. Scherer has used the Fruedian metaphor, ArchaeOrientalism, to describe Sigmund Frued’s acceptance of the categories of anti-Semitic Orientalism while seeking to resist those categories by imagining a strong, male Westernized Jew in opposition to the Ostjude.

Sources & Examples: Heizer, 1996; Kalmar, 2009; Pasto, 1998; Rubin, 2015; Scherer, 2015: Shohat, 2008.

See also: Fascist Orientalism, Jewish Orientalism, Nazi Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Racial Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Semitic Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism, Zionist Orientalism.

Anti-Western Orientalism

This term is rarely used. When it is used, scholars generally use it in one of two ways. First, Jie-Hyun Lim and a few other scholars use it to describe the use of ideological Orientalist discourses and practices by Asian (“Oriental”) scholars who seek to create a positive, distinct national self-image and history over against the West and other Asian nations or groups. In effect, Anti-Western Orientalists seek to use ideological Orientalist strategies to raise themselves to the status of the West in its place. This term thus describes a form of reverse Orientalism. Second, this term is very rarely used to describe Edward Said’s Orientalism (1978) as “anti-Western.”

Sources & Examples: Dalrymple, 2007; Lim, 2008.

See also: Reverse Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Applied Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in two related ways. First, it is more broadly and frequently used as a simple adjective, rather than as a technical term, indicating the use of ideological Orientalist discourses in a given situation. Second, Alexander Morrison and others use it to described the ways in which ideological Orientalist scholars apply their discourses and practices to advance Western policy goals. Usually these interventions involve colonies or colonial-like situations such as the occupation of foreign territory.

Sources & Examples: Harper, 1999; Kimmerling, 2008; Morrison, 2009.

See also: Ideological Orientalism.

Arab Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe several different and contradictory forms of ideological Orientalism, including: (1) Arab Orientalist-like discourses directed disparagingly against other Arabs (Determann terms this usage inter-Arab Orientalism.); (2) Western ideological Oriental discourses directed against Arabs (often called anti-Arab Orientalism); (3) as a synonym for the terms Islamic Orientalism and Arabic Orientalism; and, less frequently, (4) as indigenous Orientalist-like, essentializing Arab ideologies intended to support the aspirations of Arab peoples. In sum, this term is sometimes used to describe Orientalists ideologies imagined and constructed by Arabs themselves, and sometimes it is used to describe Orientalist ideologies directed against them.

Sources & Examples: Determann, 2010; Ibrahim, 2012; Thomas, 2000.

See also: Arabic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Islamic Orientalism.

Arabic Orientalism

Scholars and others use this term in two general ways. First, they use it as a synonym for the term Islamic Orientalism in all three of that term’s meanings, that is: (1) as the academic study of the Arab Orient; (2) as a larger body of Western discourses about the Arab Orient usually influenced by academic Orientalists; and (3) (and rarely) as describing Arab discourses concerning their own culture and situation especially vis-à-vis the West, which discourses seem to be similar to ideological Orientalism. Second, scholars and others use this term to describe a supposedly Arab-inspired ornamental or aesthetic style found in a range of arts including music, sculpture, moving pictures, architecture, and even as a description of an equine blood line (the Lipizzaner).

Sources & Examples: Emmanual, n.d.; Haines, 2014; Malvinni, 2004; Said, 1978; Todorova, 2009.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Aesthetic Orientalism, Arab Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Islamic Orientalism.

Arch-Orientalism (also Arch Orientalism)

Scholars only rarely use the term “arch-Orientalism,” but they do use “arch-Orientalist” frequently and often pejoratively to refer to individuals, texts, works of art, or other elements that radically exemplify ideological Orientalism and/or Saidian Orientalism. In several instances, for example, Bernard Lewis is cited as an example of an arch-Orientalist. More rarely this term is used in a more neutral, less critical sense to describe individuals, etc. that fully embody Orientalism. Although not intended to be used as a technical term, this term is yet another synonym for ideological Orientalism and for Saidian Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Freeman, 2014; Quilty, 2002; Szurek, 2015.

See also: Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Archaeological Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in two distinct ways. First, some use it in light of Edward W. Said’s utilization of the work of Michel Foucault (1926-1984) in his analysis of Orientalism. These scholars use it, then, to describe a critical, historical approach to Orientalism, which understands it to be comprised of sets of social-cultural ideological, “discourses,” that imagine and frame Oriental Others without reference to the actual realities of Asians. “Archaeology” in this sense means systems of thought and knowledge, that is, “discourses”. This usage is infrequent and sometimes used to describe instances of reverse Orientalism whereby peoples who are suffering under Orientalist stereotypes and prejudices development their own Orientalist “discourses” ("archaeologies") to reframe their identity in positive ways. Second, other scholars use this term to refer specifically to the field of archaeology as a form of academic Orientalism and thus to the ways in which archaeologists imagine and construct the peoples whose artifacts they study, seeking to fit them into preconceived and ideologically grounded historical frameworks—sometimes treating them as if they were essentially “exotic”. By-and-large, these scholars use the term Orientalist archaeology rather than archaeological Orientalism. [revised 5/17]

Sources & Examples: First usage: Efron, 2016; Saleh, 2016; Turner, 2001. Second usage: Kersel, 2015; LaBianca, 1996; Leadbetter, 2014; Preece, 2013; Scherer, 2015.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

ArchaeOrientalism. See Anti-Semitic Orientalism.

Architectural Orientalism

This term and the term, Orientalist architecture, are relatively widely used by scholars to describe the ways in which Western architecture, including especially the designs of particular buildings, is used to reinforce stereotypes of “Orientals” as being essentially exotic. While some date the origins of architectural Orientalism as far back as the 17th century, it was most popular in the latter 19th century; but even then it did not amount to a significant European architectural movement and was limited mainly to places of entertainment or leisure. The wide assortment of stereotypical styles and elements used in Orientalist architecture (such as domes and arches) has been thought to give buildings an exotic, fanciful, and even fantastical cast that recalls the mystique of far away places. Although Orientalist architects drew on designs and elements from several Asian cultures, historically Arab Islamic styles including especially Moorish architecture have been particularly popular. Architectural Orientalism, however, differs from other forms of aesthetic Orientalism because it is physically embodied in fixed structures many of which were built in Asia as well as in the West. Various scholars have thus argued that it is often difficult to discern whether or not a particular building embodies ideological Orientalist discourses. This is for at least three reasons: first, it is not clear how a physical structure, often drawing on a widely eclectic variety of supposedly Asian designs actually communicates that Orientals are essentially exotic; second, architects often simply add Oriental decorative elements to a basically Western-style building again raising the issue of whether or not such buildings are Orientalist discourses; and, third, Oriental-style buildings were often constructed by the Western colonial powers to attempt to make their rule more palatable to those they ruled and thus are unusual among Orientalist discourses for their being addressed to Asian audiences rather than other Westerners—raising yet again the issue of whether or not they are “really” Orientalist at all. In addition, Chukhovich notes that Orientalist architecture has received less critical scholarly appraisal than other forms of aesthetic Orientalist expression, which means that its ideological uses and implications are also less well understood. Perhaps one of the most obviously Orientalist architectures found in Asia itself was one developed in Turkey that combined a mixture of European and supposedly Asian styles that is known as “Neo-Ottoman architecture.” Orientalist designs have also been used by the tourist industry both in the West and in Asia. Jewish synagogues in Europe at times have drawn on Middle Eastern styles as a way to express Jewish identity as being distinct from other Europeans and to demonstrate their independence from European culture. The royal pavilion at Brighton, England (illustrated here), is a building that is cited most frequently as being an example of early European architectural Orientalism. Other buildings receiving attention include P.T. Barnum’s mansion in Westport, Connecticut, Iranistan and the Yenidze Tobacco and Cigarette Factory in Dresden, Germany.

Sources & Examples: Adam, 2012; Alissa, 2012; Bozdoğan, 1988; Cairns, 2007; Chukhovich, 2014; Çiğdem & Ürey; 2013; Crinson, 1996; Frantzman, 2014; Jo, 2013; Khamis, 2015; Klein, 2006; MacKenzie, 1995; Roose, 2012-13; Stimson, 2012.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Jewish Orientalism, Kemalist Orientalism, Local Orientalism, Tourist Orientalism.

Arctic Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to describe the ways in which various peoples living in the northern polar regions, including Scandinavia, Greenland, and Canada, have been imagined and constructed as having—in ways that duplicate ideological Orientalism—essential, timeless, and exotic natures. Arctic Orientalists have sometimes constructed these native/indigenous peoples as noble savages who are children of nature although earlier Orientalist discourses imagined them as simply barbaric, backward, and sometimes violent. The Arctic (“Oriental”) Other, thus, is at once alluring and repulsive. Such constructions have been used to justify European colonialism in northern regions. Ann Fienup-Riordan is credited with first making the connection between Said’s Orientalism and the North, and she originally used the term Eskimo Orientalism to describe Arctic Orientalism. This term is distinguished from the similar term, Arcticality, by its emphasis on imagining and constructing of Arctic peoples where Arcticality emphasizes place and geography.

Sources & Examples: Doane, 2016; Jensen, 2015; Johnston, 2016; Pálaaon, 2005; Thisted, 2012.

See also: Arcticality, Borealism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Scandinavian Orientalism.

Arcticality

Gísli Pálsson coined this term, drawing on the widely used notion of “tropicality,” and a limited number of scholars have since taken it up. They generally see this term as being closely associated with Edward Said’s notion of Orientalism, that is Saidian Orientalism, and they use it to describe the ways in which European and North American nations have invented the Arctic zone as being a place of extreme weather that is both dangerous and exotic. It is the place where civilization ends, making it and its peoples the essential, radical Other that functions as a mirror image of the temperate, civilized nations to the south. As in the case of tropicality, science has played a key role in constructing Western images and knowledge of the Arctic North and facilitating its colonization. This term is distinguished from the similar term Arctic Orientalism by its emphasis on place and geography where Arctic Orientalism emphasizes the imagining and constructing of Arctic peoples.

Sources & Examples: Galbo, n.d.; Pálsson. 2002; Sörlin, 2014.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Arctic Orientalism, Borealism, Geographical Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Quasi-Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Scandinavian Orientalism, Scientific Orientalism, Tropicality.

Artificial Orientalism

Scholars us this term mostly in passing and without explanation generally to describe an artistic or literary style that is an affected, stilted imitation of supposedly exotic “Oriental” styles. Most often this term is used as a criticism of works employing these styles, but occasionally a critic uses it more positively to point to a colorful or lively artistic style that is supposedly Oriental. Use of this term goes back into the 19th century, and only very rarely is it directly linked to ideological Orientalism or used with subjects outside of the arts and literature.

Sources & Examples: Nochlin, 2010; White, 2010; Wightman, 1999.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Literary Orientalism, Musical Orientalism, Poetic Orientalism.

Artistic Orientalism. See Aesthetic Orientalism.

Aryan Orientalism

This is an obscure term from the 19th and early 20th centuries and is not used by modern-day scholars. It refers both to the study of and to the belief-system of a supposed ancient "Oriental" (also called “Eastern” or “Asiatic”) Aryan race that migrated into what is now Iran and became a separate branch of the Aryan race.

Sources & Examples: Brown, 1902; de Pressensé, 1898; Greene, 1872; Mills, 1903.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Historical Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Asiatic Orientalism

Scholars occasionally use this otherwise archaic term primarily in their discussions of the history of Orientalism before Edward W. Said’s book, Orientalism (1978), especially with reference to the 19th and earlier 20th centuries. It was not unusual to find it used in the scholarly literature of its era. It is a patently racist term that was used to imagine Asian peoples as being “Orientals,” that is people who were essentially and irredeemably inferior to the West in every way—the absolutely alien “Other”. “Asiatic Orientalism” in art, for example, was imagined to be sensual, “voluptuous,” and frivolous.

Sources & Examples: “History of Greek Sculpture,” n.d.; Hsu, 2016; Kahl, 2011; Low, 1914.

See also: Historical Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Ashkenazi Zionist Orientalism. See Zionist Orientalism.

Athenian Orientalism. See Greek Orientalism (Ancient).

Australian Orientalism

Scholars use this term for the most part to describe white Australia’s adaptation of ideological Orientalism and Saidian Orientalism to its particular situation as originally (1) a colonial, immigrant “settler society,” (2) located on the rim of Asia, (3) far distant from the British homeland, (4) which forcibly occupied an already inhabited continent, and then (5) received large numbers of Asian immigrants. The Asian (Oriental) Other was thus much more immediate to Australians than to those “at home” in Britain. These characteristics, according to scholars, have influenced the shape and development of Orientalism in Australia down to the present so that it tends to be focused first and foremost on East and Southeast Asians, particularly the Chinese. It tends to display a greater degree of anxiety about Oriental Others and less interest in their supposedly exotic nature than was true in Britain. This anxiety is thus born partly of being closer to Asia and partly for having been “colonials” who themselves were looked down on by Britain (and displaced that experience onto Others). While Asians generally, including Muslims and Arabs, have been the focus of Australian Orientalism, the place of the Aboriginal peoples has been more problematic. Although they are subjected to racial prejudice and stereotyping, the Aborigines have not been seen as being “Oriental” or linked to Asia. Thus, scholars for the most part do not use the language of Orientalism with Aborigines, and the idea of Aboriginal Orientalism is usually not seen as applying to Australia. Beyond these particular characteristics of Australian Orientalism, it is understood that various expressions of European and British Orientalisms are also found in Australia, including the arts and literature where there are “Australian Orientalist” painters—such as Rupert Bunny (1864-1947), whose painting, Salome (ca. 1919), is illustrated here—and authors just as there are elsewhere in the West.

Sources & Examples: Akbarzadeh & Smith, 2005; Ferrall, 2005; Gauntlett, 1999; Gilbert & Lo, 2009; Jensen, 2005; Perera, 1993.

See also: Aboriginal Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Auto-Orientalism. See Self-Orientalism.


B

Backstage Orientalism. See Hidden Orientalism.

Baha'i Orientalism

Scholars have used this term in one of two ways. First they have used it to describe ways in which Orientalist scholars in the past imagined and constructed the Baha’i faith as an Oriental religion. In this sense, Baha'i Orientalism is a form of traditional Orientalism. Second, it has been used to describe Shoghi Effendi (1897-1957), the long-time head of the Baha’i faith, as an “Orientalist” who expressed views about Iran and Islam typical of Western ideological Orientalism although he himself was Iranian. In this second sense, this term is a form of self-Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: MacEolin, 1983; Walbridge, 1995.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Religious Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Banal Orientalism

Michael Haldrup, Lasse Koefoed, and Kirsten Simonsen coined this term drawing on Michael Billig’s notion of “banal nationalism.” They and others use it to describe the ways in which stereotypical Orientalist discourses can become embedded (and hidden) in everyday, mundane language and behavior. They have also developed the term, practical Orientalism, which they use similarly to banal Orientalism, the distinction being that banal Orientalist discourses tend to be more textual, emerging from the everyday usage of language about the alien Other. The term practical Orientalism, on the other hand, points to Orientalist practices that tend to be more sensuous, and experiential.

Sources & Examples: Shomki, 2015; Christian, et. al., 2015; Haldrup, et. al., 2006; Haldrup, et. al., 2008.

See also: Hidden Orientalism, Practical Orientalism, Second-degree Orientalism.

Beat Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term and the term hippie Orientalism to describe American counter-cultural discourses and practices of the so-called “beat generation” that imagined the United States as a cultural and spiritual wasteland and idealized Eastern cultural and social settings as being exotic, premodern, and the antithesis of America. Those discourses and practices were thus dualistic, ideological, and treated American and Asian cultures as having unchanging essences. Josephine Park, considering specifically the work of Gary Snyder, uses the term beatific Orientalism as a synonym for beat Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Edwards, 2003; Fazzino, 2016; Park, 2008.

See also: Counter-Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Beatific Orientalism. See Beat Orientalism.

Benevolent Orientalism. See Sympathetic Orientalism.

Benign Orientalism. See Sympathetic Orientalism.

Biblical Orientalism (Contemporary)

Modern-day scholars generally use this term in two closely related ways to analyze 19th and earlier 20th century biblical Orientalists who sought to defend the Bible from secular critics by preserving its authority and sanctity (see biblical Orientalism (Traditional)). First, scholars today use this term to describe and analyze the ways in which biblical scholars and Western Christian leaders (primarily Protestant) historically sought to defend the Bible from its critics by imagining and constructing it as an “Oriental” text containing obscure idioms, usages, figurative styles, stories, and forms that had to be explained to Western audiences. The Bible, that is, was treated as a cultural artifact; and while the goal of this strategy was to combat skepticism by supporting the truth of the Bible and to discern deeper biblical meanings, some scholars argue that this “orientalization” of the Bible actually reduced its prestige as a sacred text. Second, scholars also use this term to describe and analyze the ways in which the Bible has traditionally been used to imagine and construct latter-day Palestine as the timeless Holy Land that had remained essentially the same since biblical times. Biblical Orientalists thus largely ignored modern-day Arab Muslim Palestine entirely or treated Palestinians as being essentially the same today as they were in biblical times—exotic, backward, poor, ignorant, sensuous, and irreverent. By the same token, biblical Orientalists were mostly interested in ancient, Jewish Palestinian geography rather than contemporary geography. Describing an “Implicational Hierarchy of Biblical Orientalism,” Lorenzo Kalmar notes furthermore that Christian Orientalist artists usually dressed biblical figures in Oriental dress to a greater or lesser degree depending on their distance from Jesus, who was seldom represented as dressing in obviously “Oriental” dress. Scholars, finally, note that in general traditional biblical Orientalists were mostly non-specialists in the field of Orientalism, including Christian biblical scholars, clergy, theologians, and missionaries. [revised 1/18]

Sources & Examples: Alun, 1996; Binder, 2014; Cohen-Vrignaud, 2015; Fang , 2010; Ganim, 2005; Helmers, 2014; Kalmar, 2005b; Kamel, 2015; Kamel, 2016;Ledger-Lomas, 2013; Lehmann, 1979; Lim, 2010; Manzoor, 2005; Ra’ad, 2008; Sugirtharajah, 2012.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Biblical Orientalism (Traditional), Christian Orientalism, Evangelical Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Orientalist Exotica, Orientalist Exoticism, Old Testament Orientalism, Religious Orientalism, Vernacular Orientalism.

Biblical Orientalism (Traditional)

As understood in the 19th and 20th centuries up to roughly the early 1950s, especially by Christian biblical and theological scholars, biblical Orientalism was an approach to Christian apologetics aimed at defending the Bible from the inroads of secular biblical criticism. It was based on the claim that the Bible is an “Oriental text.” God, that is, was believed to have spoken through the biblical authors, using their own languages and cultures as the vehicles for divine inspiration. This meant that supposedly obscure, difficult biblical passages could be explained by bringing to light their Oriental nature, especially through the study of Hebrew and other Semitic languages and cultures, which were understood to be essentially different from European languages and cultures—less logical and more poetic, emotional, and given to hyperbole. By and large, 19th century Christian sources refer more often to the work of the biblical Oriental-ists than they did to the notion of biblical Oriental-ism as such. The plural, biblical Orientalism(s), was used to refer to words, phrases, images, styles, and forms deemed “Oriental”. Priority was usually given to philological studies, especially in the 19th century. (Notes: [1] See Biblical Orientalism (Modern) for scholarly views on traditional biblical Orientalism since Edward W. Said (1978); [2] Bibliographic references for the sources cited for this entry are included below rather than in the Glossary Bibliography because of their idiosyncratic forms.)

Sources & Examples: [1] Book Review of The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul by James Smith. North British Review American Edition, 6 (May 1849): 99-111. [2] “Dr. John Kitto.” The Scottish Review 4, 15 (July 1856): 193-217. [3] Eadie, John. John Kitto, D.D., F.S.A. Edinburgh: William Oliphant and Sons, 1858.[4] “Foreign Catalogue.” The British Critic 25 (January 1800): 93-97. [5] Frothingham, A. L., Jr. “Archaeological News: Summary of Recent Discoveries and Investigations.” American Journal of Archaeology and of the History of the Fine Arts 10, 1 (January 1895): 65-136. [6] Levy, Thomas, and David Noel Freedman. “William Foxwell Albright, 1891-1971,” February 2009. At The Bible and Interpretation (http://www.bibleinterp.com). Accessed 2 January 2018. [7] Migault, Henry Gabriel . Eight Historical Dissertations in Suicide, Chiefly in Reference to Philosophy, Theology, and Legislation. Heidelberg: G. Mohr, 1856. [8] “Mr. Young’s New Translation of the Bible.” Evangelical Christendom N.S. 2, 2 (February 1861): 220-224. [9] “Mr. Young’s Translation of the Song of Solomon.” Evangelical Christendom N.S. 2, 1 (January 1861): 108-111. [10] No Critic. “Biblical Orientalisms.” The Christian Observer American Edition 1, 9 (September 1843): 582-583.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Biblical Orientalism (Contemporary), Christian Orientalism, Philological Orientalism.

Binary Orientalism

Scholars use this term, along with the less frequently used terms, dualistic Orientalism and Manichean Orientalism, to describe a core characteristic of Orientalism as described by Edward W. Said in his book, Orientalism (1978)—by which ideological Orientalists divide humanity into the polar opposite categories of Self and Other. The most common duality is between the West and the Orient, but other dualities such as black and white, male and female can be distinguished. In all cases, the (Oriental) Other is imagined and constructed as being essentially and irredeemably inferior and described by such adjectives as backward, weak, immoral, sensual, exotic, and ignorant—among many other things. The Self is thus civilized, superior, powerful, moral, and wise. Some scholars use the term geographical Orientalism in this same way, reinforcing the sense that the essential difference between East and West is fundamental to the notion of Orientalism itself. This term is also used, if less often but still not infrequently, to describe forms of Orientalism that see the Orient as the empowered, superior Self in what is often termed reverse Orientalism. In these cases, Orientalists most often envision the Orient as being essentially spiritual and wise as opposed to the West, which is constructed as being materialistic and ignorant of true spirituality.

Sources & Examples: Alber, 2013; Beydoun, 2015; Janes, 1886; Ray, 2008; Said, 1978 [1995], Seidman, 2016.

See also: Geographical Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Black Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe African American Orientalist discourses (including also institutions and practices) that fall into two broad categories. First, some of those discourses are used by African Americans to imagine an Other that is essentially positive, which includes discourses and practices that imagine the African “homeland” in nearly mythic terms. Historically, they led to the creation of various African American new religious movements. Second, other African American Orientalist discourses are directed against an alien Other—notably those directed against Islam, including specifically black Islam in the United States. Other negative discourses imagine and construct Africans or Asians to be “heathen Africans” or “backward Orientals.” In both cases, the context of black Orientalism is the need by African Americans to deal with racial oppression, and the Other is either Africans (including even other African Americans) or Asians, especially Chinese-Americans. In general, scholars see black Orientalisms as being distinct from white American Orientalism while retaining varying degrees of American cultural values, attitudes, and categories. Some scholars use the term, Afro Orientalism, with the same meanings as this term.

Sources & Examples: Dorman, 2009; Dorman, 2013; Harrison, 2002; Jun, 2011; Jackson, 2009; Kim, 2010; Mazrui, 2000.

See also: Cultural Orientalism, Counter-Orientalism, Peripheral Orientalism, Racial Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, White Orientalism.

Blatant Orientalism

This term is fairly widely used by scholar, virtually always in the obvious sense of the meaning of, “blatant”—that is, something that is flagrantly obvious and conspicuous to the point of being offensive. Some scholars cite Edward Said’s book, Orientalism (1978) as setting the standard for blatant, “in your face” expressions of ideological Orientalism. They understand blatant Orientalism thus to include the most objectionable aspects of Orientalism such as racial and gender profiling, the stereotyping of peoples especially as being “exotic,” the arrogant division of peoples and nations into categories such as civilized and savage (or barbarian), and constructing and imagining the victims of Orientalist profiling (the “Other”) to be essentially, irredeemably inferior and defective. Scholars frequently use this term to describe various art forms—such as, for example, motion pictures, fashion design, and opera—which in their judgment display conspicuous, often objectionable (blatant) expressions of Orientalist stereotypes. Other scholars point to the fact that women, frequently meaning women of color, are very often the objects of conspicuous, objectionable Orientalist stereotyping. Michal Frenkel and Yehouda Shenhav also use the term front-stage Orientalism to mean blatant Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Frenkel & Shenhav, 2006; Mortensen, 2010; Nieves, 2014; robeyoung91, 2014; Thompson, 2003.

See also: Common Sense Orientalism, Dogmatic Orientalism, Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Racial Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Sexist Orientalism.

Bollywood Orientalism. See Cinematic Orientalism.

Borealism

Scholars generally use this term to describe situations in which Northern nations, cultures, or peoples are imagined and framed as essentially exotic Others. They may be imagined to be inferior, ignorant, and savage; or they may be framed as being superior because, for example, they are less infected with the ills of the modern world. Scholars largely associate this term with Edward W. Said’s understanding of (Saidian) Orientalism, in which “the North” takes the place of the “East”. While some scholars state that Borealism and Orientalism are virtually the same phenomenon, others caution that Borealism is often less intense than Saidian Orientalism, less inclined to frame the Other in negative, hurtful ways. Some scholars use the term, norientalism, having the same meaning.

Sources & Examples: Bachórz, 2016; Ísleifsson, 2015; Kallinen, 2010; Kjartansdóttir & Schram, 2013; Schram, 2011.

See also: Arctic Orientalism, Arcticality, Finnish Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Quasi-Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Scandinavian Orientalism, Swedish Orientalism.

Brown Orientalism

This term is seldom used. When used, it's most notable usage has been by Ajit Chaudhuri (1994) and a small group of other scholars reflecting on the realities of Western-influenced, modern Indian uses of Orientalism. According to these scholars, Orientalism is a necessary consequence of the modern, capitalist, and Western-style worldview that sees the world in terms of essential differences between a superior Self and an inferior Other. Where nations such as India aspire to replicate a modern, capitalist, Western economy and society, it follows inevitably that one need not be “white” to be an Orientalist. One can also be “brown”. In effect, “brown Orientalism” is simply an Asian form of ideological Orientalism that is indistinguishable from that practiced in the West.

Sources & Examples: Charrabarti & Dhar, 2009; Chaudhuri, 1994; Chaudhuri, Chakrabarti, & Dāsa, 2000.

See also: Ideological Orientalism; Racial Orientalism; Self-Orientalism.

Buddhist Orientalism

A relatively small number of scholars us this term in one of two ways. First, some use it to describe the ways in which Western Buddhists have viewed Asian Buddhism through an Orientalist lens as being essentially different from the West. Second, others use it to describe the ways in which Asian Buddhists have appropriated Western Orientalist ideas to explain themselves to the West and, at times, to re-imagine their own understanding of Buddhism. In the first sense, it is a form of positive Orientalism; and in the second sense, it is a form of reverse Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Braun, 2009; Rebel, 2010.

See also: Positive Orientalism, Religious Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism.

Byronic Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe a poetic tradition that began with Lord Byron, is closely linked with Romanticism, and does not fit into Edward Said’s description of ideological Orientalism. Byronic Orientalist discourses imagine “Oriental” Others as exotic and essentially different from Europe, but otherwise they resist racialist treatment of those Others and see them as opportunities for self-reflection. As such Byronic Orientalism stands in opposition to other British Orientalisms, notably Evangelical Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Alber, 2013; Dunville, n.d.; Garber, 1988; Kelsall, 1989; O’Leary, 2011; Vendler, 1988.

See also: Evangelical Orientalism, Poetic Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Soft Orientalism.


C

Canadian Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the ways in which white Canadians imagine and construct a wide range of Others, nationally and internationally, as having essentially different, timeless natures, which are almost always seen as being inferior to and often a threat to the white Canadian Self. In various contexts, these Others have included aboriginal (First Nation) peoples, Québécois, Asian peoples, southern and eastern Europeans, and more recently, Arabs and Muslims. Canadian Orientalisms are thus classic examples of ideological Orientalism and traditional Orientalism. Aboriginal peoples, in particular, are imagined to fit into a limited number of racist, stereotypical Orientalist paradigms such as the “noble savage” or the dualistic and more common distinction between the “savage” Indian and the “civilized” white. Canadian treatments of "Orientals," including especially Arabs and Muslims, in literature and the press mirror the more widely held Western stereotypes of an exotic, menacing, and often sensualized Other that is a danger to Western civilization and Canadian security. Some scholars observe that Canadian feminists have expressed Orientalist attitudes in their images of Arab and Muslim women and others as suffering under essentially different social conditions from (white) Canadian women. Other scholars contend that white Canadians have exhibited Orientalist attitudes towards Others since the early days of the settlement era of the 18th and 19th centuries. And they observe that even attempts to create a multicultural Canada have been built on assumptions of the primacy of white Canadian values and mores, to which Others are to be assimilated. As is the case with other national Orientalisms, Canadian Orientalism is articulated by a variety of agencies including academic institutions, societies, and journals as well as through the arts, literature, news and popular media, and films—including the 1934 Canadian movie, Secrets of Chinatown, directed by Fred Newmeyer. In sum, scholars contend that white Canadians have long drawn on dualistic Orientalists habits of the mind to construct stereotypical images of Others, sometimes exotic and even alluring, but invariably essentially and irredemiably inferior.

Sources & Examples: Rachad, 2013; Butler, 2008; Edwards, n.d.; Harb, 2008; Hay, 2012; Kayne, 2005; Park, 2011; Steckley, 2003; Verymeyden, 2016; Ward, 2002.

See also: Aboriginal Orientalism, Feminist Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Canonical Orientalism

In the great majority of cases, scholars use this term to refer to ideological Orientalism as described by Edward Said in his book, Orientalism (1978), which they often cite as the source for understanding canonical Orientalism. More rarely, a few scholars use this term to refer to ideological Orientalism without reference to Said personally or his work.

Sources & Examples: Brockhoff, 2014; Caho, 2008; Gallant, 2002.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Capitalist Orientalism

This term generally appears in the scholarly literature on Orientalism in one of two ways. First, a very few scholars use it, very rarely, to describe the ways in which capitalism as an economic and political system can function as a medium for the Orientalist imagining and constructing of an “exotic” Other through the production and consumption of equally exotic commodities thought to represent the Other’s culture. These commodities can include tourism, fashion, films, and almost anything else that can be sold and bought. Warren thus defines capitalist Orientalism simply as the commodification of the exotic. Second, Sunaina Maira frequently uses the term, “late capitalist Orientalism,” without clear definition but apparently to refer to recent capitalism and apparently with the same meaning of the commodification of the exotic, particularly commodities that she refers to as representing "Indo-chic Orientalism," a form of popular Orientalism. Her usage is widely cited by other scholars.

Sources & Examples: Micahel Burrows, 2016; Lourenço, 2017; Maira, 2007; Warren, 1998.

See also: Commercial Orientalism, Economic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Caribbean Orientalism

This term is not widely used. Scholars who generally use it to describe a form of ideological Orientalism, by which the diverse and racially-mixed peoples of the Caribbean have been and continue to be imagined and constructed as being essentially exotic, alluring (sensuous), backward, and so forth in Northern art, literature, and academic scholarship, as well as in the tourism industry.

Sources & Examples: Alston, 2004; Sheller, 2008.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Academic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism, Tourist Orientalism.

Cartographical Orientalism

A very few scholars have used this term in at least two ways. First, they use it to reflect on Edward W. Said’s notion of “imaginative geography,” which he uses as a metaphor for the ways in which the West has historically sought to exert power over distant, alien peoples by representing them as having definable “places” in the West’s imaginative construction of global “realities”. “They” are the essential, exotic Other. “We” know them and own them by assigning them a defined place on the “map” of the ideological world we hold to be real. “Cartographical Orientalism” is thus the ideological process of assigning the Other a place in our thinking that gives us power over them. Second, this term has also been used to describe the ways in which cartographers themselves have created maps that place distant Others in sharply defined, knowable spaces, which are defined as much by the ideological, dualistic imagination of the mapmaker as by realities in the actual “place” their maps purport to describe.

Sources & Examples: Maitland, 2017; Mattar, 2014; Said, 1978.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Categorical Orientalism

David A. Kideckel created this otherwise rarely-used term to describe a form of temporal Orientalism that is a less absolute, less rigid, and somewhat more benign type of ideological Orientalism, which sees Central and Eastern Europeans as being relatively inferior to Western Europe having fallen into their inferiority only over time. Although, that is, the differences between Western and Central/Eastern Europe are consequential, the possibility exists that they can be overcome in due course.

Sources & Examples: Edwards, 2016; Kideckel, 1996, Melegh, 2006

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Temporal Orientalism

Celtic Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally in one of two ways, although it is not widely used. First, some use it in place of or in tandem with the term, Irish Orientalism, particularly to describe Irish literary treatments that identify Ireland with the Orient. Second and more rarely, a few other scholars use this term to explore the extent to which the so-called, “Celtic Fringe” peoples, especially the Welsh, may be considered to have been de facto colonies and thus subjected to Orientalist attitudes and prejudices.

Sources & Examples: Donahaye, 2012; Killeen, 2007; Lennon, 2004; Macmillan, 2013.

See also: Celticism, Ideological Orientalism, Irish Orientalism, Literary Orientalism, Reverse Orientalis.

Celticism

Scholars generally use this widely used term to describe the ways in which the so-called Celtic peoples of Brittany, Cornwall, Wales, Scotland, Ireland, and the Isle of Man have been imagined and constructed as having a shared essential identity. Most scholars now consider that identity to be an artificial and a-historical ideological construct, and not a few of them see it as having parallels and connections with Edward W. Said’s (1978) notion of Orientalism. Like Orientalism, Celticism in the 19th century was an academic field of study that grew out of the rise of archaeology and especially philology, but its rise was also connected with a series of writers including among others Ernest Renan, William Blake, William Wordsworth, Sir Walter Scott, and Percy Bysshe Shelley. In general, scholars point to the geographical and cultural position of the “Celts” on the periphery of Europe and Britain as being an important factor in the rise of Celticism, which peripheral status recalls Western European Orientalist attitudes towards the larger world beyond its confines. In that sense, 19th and earlier 20th century Orientalists and Celticists shared a common ideological world, and a few scholars point to cross-fertilization between the two notions. Individual writers, thus, can exhibit both Celticist and Orientalist attitudes. Celticism has had mirror-image uses: negatively, English Celticists and others have constructed the imagined Celtic peoples as being essentially and irredeemably backward, feminine, superstitious, and even ape-like, which often meant that they needed to be subjugated “for their own good.” (See the American version exemplified in a Thomas Nast anti-Irish immigrant cartoon illustrated here). Scholars debate the degree to which Celtic peoples, especially the Irish, were historically the victims of something approaching colonialism. Positively, in a way paralleling reverse Orientalism, other Celticists have embraced the notion that “the Celts” have an essential, shared identity that they can use to bolster their national and cultural aspirations as over against the oppression they have experienced particularly at the hands of England. In this usage, Celtic peoples are imagined to be spiritual, mystical, intuitive, creative, and “natural”. Scholars usually link the rise of this positive Celticism to Romanticism, which particularly inspired “pan-Celticism,” a widespread set of political and cultural movements embodying and expressing the aspirations of the Celtic peoples. By the same token, the “Celtic Revival” of the 19th and earlier 20th centuries represented an aesthetic and artistic embodiment of Celticism and included, most notably, the Irish Literary Revival.

Sources & Examples: Bradley, 2003; Gallant, 2005; Ito, 2014; Leerssen, 1996; Pittock & Jack, 2007; Sims-Williams, 1996; Vaníčková, 2012; Watson, 1994.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Aesthetic Orientalism, Celtic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Irish Orientalism, Peripheral Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Quasi-Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Childish Orientalism. See Infantile Orientalism.

Christian Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the ways in which Christians, primarily Western Christians, from ancient times down to the present have imagined and constructed “the East (the Orient)” and others as “the Other.” For all practical purposes, early Orientalism was Christian Orientalism in its own earlier forms, which go back to biblical times. In the Roman era, Christians saw “the Orient” vaguely as being a source of wisdom and spirituality embodied especially in its Jewish roots including the Hebrew Bible (Old Testament). The Western churches, however, came to believe that they best represented that wisdom and spirituality, which had been lost to Judaism and the East; and it imagined and constructed Judaism as essentially inferior. From its beginnings, thus, the Christian churches believed that truth resided in them alone and they had a responsibility to convert others to that truth. This exclusive and dualistic ideology lies close to the heart of Christian Orientalism. Missionary Orientalism has thus generally always been an constitutive element of Christian Orientalism. The rise of Islam reinforced and solidified Western Christian views of the Orient, which was now dominated by a rival religious power, the “infidel”. Christian Orientalists thus saw the Oriental Other as being essentially backward heathens. By the 18th century, Christian Orientalism became less of an influence on European Orientalisms and was itself influenced by the Enlightenment and Romanticism. As Western Christian Orientalism has developed since then, it has exemplified many of the traits of ideological Orientalism generally, such as imagining the Other as being essentially different, inferior, static, backward, and immoral. At the same time, it has differed from Saidian Orientalism because its central focus has remained religious and in the fact that Christian Orientalists generally believe in the fundamental value of the Other as being part of divine creation and worthy of salvation. Many Christian Orientalists, furthermore, have dedicated their lives in service to improving the lives of the Other. And while they have imagined and constructed other Christian sects and groups, such as Eastern rite churches, as being essentially inferior, Christian Orientalists also still acknowledge them as being essentially Christian as well. Some forms of Christian Orientalism, furthermore, fall into the category of positive Orientalisms that construct the Other, Buddhism for example, as being essentially more spiritual and having a depth of wisdom that Christians would do well to emulate. Some scholars use the term, theological Orientalism, to refer to Christian Orientalism usually of the more ideological form.

Sources & Examples: Dabashi, 2015; Jacob, 2016; Johnson, 2014; Kalmar, n.d.; Kalmar, 2012; Shah, 2015; Sivasundaram, 2007; Slagel, 2008; Sugiratharajah, 2002; Turner, 1994; Veltri, 2005.

See also: Biblical Orientalism, Early Orientalism, Evangelical Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Learned Orientalism, Missionary Orientalism, Old Testament Orientalism, Religious Orientalism, Theological Orientalism.

Cinematic Orientalism

Scholars use this term, in general, to describe the many ways in which ideological Orientalism is portrayed and commercialized through films. From the beginnings of the international film industry, popular movies have portrayed the Oriental Other stereotypically as exotic, frequently threatening and dangerous, often erotic and seductive, sometimes enticing, and generally garishly splendid. More often than not, these portrayals have reflected Orientalist prejudices that see the “Oriental” as inferior and/or as an enemy of the West. Less often, cinematic Orientalist films have constructed Asians in a more positive although still stereotypical manner; and some scholars note that Asian film makers make use of their own brands of ideological Orientalism to imagine their own and other "Oriental" cultural or national identities. Scholars use the term Hollywood Orientalism in the same way as cinematic Orientalism to refer specifically to the American film industry’s significant place and influence in the larger story of cinematic Orientalism; and far more rarely the term Bollywood Orientalism is used to describe the Indian film industry’s treatment of stereotypical, “exotic” Indian themes. Some scholars use the term screen Orientalism (or, very rarely, silver screen Orientalism) in place of this term.

Sources & Examples:Arti, 2007; Kato, 2007; King, 2010; Künüçen and Güngör, 2008; Nyerges, 2010; Vasudevan, 2010; Walk, 2014; Williams, 2003.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Commercial Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Techno-Orientalism.

Classical Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in one of two ways. First, they use it to refer to the Western study of the “Orient” until the post-World War I era, particularly from the late 18th through to the early 20th centuries. This period is not infrequently also referred to as the period of high Orientalism and was the original “field of battle” after the publication of Edward Said’s book Orientalism (1978). It remains today the base line for the critical study of Orientalisms in their many different forms. Much less frequently, classical Orientalism in this first usage is also known as elite Orientalism. Second, some scholars use this term to refer to ideological Orientalism as described by Said without reference to a particular era.

Sources & Examples: Hanafi, 2008; Turner, 2002; Said 1995 [1987]; Said, 1985; Warraq, 2007; Yu, H., 2006.

See also: Colonial Orientalism, False Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Islamic Orientalism, Philosophical Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Cold War Orientalism

Scholars use this term, in general, to describe American ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices during the Cold War, which represented Asians positively and sought to integrate both Asian Americans and overseas Asians living in non-communist nations into mainstream American culture. These discourses and practices imagined supposedly inferior, poorer Asians as the objects of American benevolence and altruism. Black Americans, well-to-do white women, as well as white males articulated these discourses although their concerns and means of expression were not always the same. Scholars observe that these discourses were directed toward imagining and recreating American culture itself in a more inclusive way as much they were directed toward Asians and Asian Americans.

Sources & Examples: Duara, 2011;Klein, 2003; Okada, 2009; Trafton, 2004; Yoshihara, 2003.

See also: Black Orientalism, Middlebrow Orientalism, Sentimental Orientalism.

Colonial Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the ways in which the notion of Orientalism was employed, first, as an ideological tool both for justifying and enabling European colonialism and, second, as a tool for moderating and/or resisting that same colonialism. They generally acknowledge that the first usage is the ideological Orientalism described by Edward W. Said (1979) and can be equated with classical Orientalism. The European colonies, notably British India, were thus imagined and framed as being essentially and irredeemably exotic, passive, unprogressive, and decidedly inferior to European civilization. The European colonizers thus used this concept to justify their seizing power over their colonies, “for their own good.” Scholars also have noted, secondly, that in practice this notion was more complicated in the colonies than in the homelands. In the colonies, colonial agents had to make concessions to indigenous practices and culture in order to rule effectively, thus moderating to one degree or another their conceptualization of this notion in the face of indigenous realities. At the same time, colonial subjects appropriated colonial Orientalism and reshaped it for their own purposes in a process often described as reverse Orientalism. In all cases, however, this notion was used to promote colonial power and control, be it that of the colonizer or of the colonized. [revised 9/17]

Sources & Examples: Ahmed, 2009; Legg, 2008; Kurnaiwan & Kumsumawardhani, 2012; Loimeier, 2004; McGetchin, 2009; Ray, 2007; O’Shea, 2007; Said, 1978; Shani, 2014; Siraj, 2009; Twiggs, 2006.

See also: Canonical Orientalism, Classical Orientalism, Constructive Orientalism, Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Imperial Orientalism, Naïve Orientalism, Postcolonial Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Second Order Orientalism, Theoretical Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Comic Orientalism

This is an infrequently used term, but when scholars use it they generally use it most often to describe literary and other artistic treatments of Orientals as being humorous and amusing because they exhibit those supposedly essential characteristics assigned them by the various expressions of ideological Orientalism. Less often, they use this term to describe authors who use stock images of Orientals humorously and sarcastically to highlight the ridiculousness of those very images. More often than not, the images in question are associated with 1920s and 1930s pulp fiction.

Sources & Examples: Fawzi, 2009; Ragnell, 2006; Want, 2006; Warner, 2012.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Comic Book Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Pulp Orientalism.

Comic Book Orientalism

Scholars use this very rarely used term to describe popular, superficial, over-stated, and fanciful depictions of Orientals that recall the ways in which 1920s and 1930s American comic books imagined and constructed Orientals along the most blatant lines of ideological Orientalism. The cognate of this term, Orientalist comics is still more rarely used, which a very few scholars have used to refer specifically to the Orientalist content of 1920s and 1930s era American comic books.

Sources & Examples:Ma, 2017; Ouyang, 2005; Valdron, n.d..

See also: Comic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Pulp Orientalism.

Commercial Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the consumption of exotic cultural goods, services, and images by Westerners (notably in Britain and the United States) for the purpose of self-expression as well as pleasure. These consumables are most usually but not necessarily “Oriental” in origin; and in addition to the sale of goods and wares, they include especially the entertainment and fashion industries—again, with an emphasis on the exotic. Scholars have also described the ways in which such fields as commercial photography, dance, and music have been channels for commercial Orientalism. John Kuo-wei Tchen describes commercial Orientalism as emerging in mid-19th century New York City and as being an expression of popular, especially middle class, interest in things Chinese. Mica Nava describes urban English commercial Orientalism prior to World War II as being popular, cosmopolitan, and especially important as a form of women’s self-expression, which could in some instances be liberating. Commercial Orientalism is thus generally understood to be less associated with ideological Orientalism or not related to it at all. As this term has generally be used by scholars, that is, it has to do more with the self-fulfillment and self-gratification of the Western consumer than self-aggrandizement at the expense of an Other, Asian or otherwise. While this term is fairly widely used, it has not received sufficient scholarly attention to make it a major form of Orientalism. [revised 1/18]

Sources & Examples: González, 2012; Mason, 2015; Nava, 2007; Nava, 2012; Rasmussen, 2013; Tchen, 1999; Tseng, 2003; Yoshihara, 2003.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Cosmopolitan Orientalism, Economic Orientalism, Franchised Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Patrician Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Seaside Orientalism, Transorientalism.

Commodity Orientalism. See Commercial Orientalism.

Common Sense (Common-Sense) Orientalism

Scholarly use of this term is extremely rare. Those who do use it, however, use it to describe a set of supposedly widely known and accepted attitudes and norms derived from the prejudices of ideological Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Horbinski, 2014; Poynting, et. al., 2004.

See also: Blatant Orientalism, Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Comparative Orientalism

This term is not widely used, but when scholars do use it they generally do so in one of two closely related ways. First and more broadly, they use this term to point to the fact that Orientalist analysis is based on making comparisons between the Self and the (Oriental) Other. As scholars use this term, these comparisons often (although not always) imagine and construct the Orient as being superior to the West and thus a source of instruction for it. Timothy Marr, for example, points out that Antebellum American abolitionists romanticized Turkish slavery as being relatively benign and more humane than American slavery. Very rarely, scholars use this term to describe Orientalist comparisons between two facets or elements of the Orient with each other, such as Hinduism and Buddhism. Second and more narrowly, other scholars use this term to describe a key 19th century movement in Oriental scholarship that reached is zenith in the later 19th century and is associated with the German Orientalist, Max Müller (1823-1900). This movement based its research methodology on comparing facets and elements of Oriental cultures with Western cultures in order to discern the relationships between them; and it is this movement, relying on comparative philology, that discerned the relationship between Sanskrit and European languages. Very rarely, Müller's Orientalist views are termed, etymological Orientalism. [revised 2/18]

Sources & Examples: Gersdorf, 2009; Girardot, 2001; Majid, 2007; Marr, 2006; Thomas, 2010.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Philological Orientalism, Positive Orientalism.

Complicit Orientalism. See Self-Orientalism.

Constructive Orientalism

Christopher A. Bayly is credited with having originated this term, which scholars use to describe an Orientalist movement and program in 19th century colonial India that involved certain British educators, officials, and missionaries who sought to communicate Western science and the Christian religion through an inter-cultural dialogue carried out in colonial educational institutions, such as the Benares Sanskrit College (see illustration) and Serampore College. In particular, they advocated the use of Indian languages in instruction and promoted major translation projects of European scientific and other texts into those languages. While these “constructive Orientalists” believed in the essential superiority of European learning and the Christian religion, they sought to communicate that superiority in positive, non-combative (“constructive”) ways that would, they hoped, lead Indian scholars to re-align (“reconstruct”) their indigenous knowledge along Western scientific and Christian lines. They were opposed by the Anglicists who argued for the exclusive use of English in all Indian education. Scholars observe that the constructive Orientalist program influenced Indian nationalist movements and that Hindu and Moslem scholars sought to advance their own Orientalist-like agendas in their dialogues with British governmental and missionary educators. Mark Singleton traces the origins of the continued interest in yoga in the West to its fabrication by Indian pandit as part of the 19th century constructive Orientalist project.

Sources & Examples: Bayly, 1996; Bellenoit, 2007; Dodson, 2011; Ikhleft, 2014; Sen, 2014; Singleton, 2008; Sivasundaram, 2007.

See also: Affirmative Orientalism, Colonial Orientalism, Missionary Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Sympathetic Orientalism.

Contemporary Orientalism

This term is very widely used by scholars and others to describe the Orientalisms of a particular era, which are either: (a) chronologically simultaneous with a subject or period under study (such as the contemporary Orientalisms of the 19th century): or, (b) found in our own present world today. The latter focus on the present very much predominates and most scholars use this term to describe the Orientalisms of our own time. While they differ as to when “our own time” begins, most often they point to the publication of Edward W. Said’s book, Orientalism (1978), as the beginning of the study of contemporary Orientalism. Some others see it as beginning with the events of 9/11 and the War on Terror. At times, scholars contrast contemporary Orientalism with past eras, most commonly dividing the history of ideological Orientalism into two periods: classical and contemporary. Like Said himself, many scholars see contemporary Orientalism as being heavily influenced by the past and in most ways a continuation of it. Said claims that classical Orientalism remains concealed (latent) within contemporary Orientalisms, which means that there was little chance for it to change. Contemporary Orientalism thus continues to be an ideology by which Orientalists imagine and construct the (Oriental) Other as having an essential, timeless nature that is irredeemably exotic, backward, sensuous, violent, ignorant, and so forth. Still, most scholars acknowledge that contemporary Orientalisms differ in some ways from those of the past—the differences depending on the particular scholar. Some, for example, believe that today Orientalism is dominated by the United States rather than Western Europe. Or again, some argue that contemporary Orientalisms often tend to be less obvious and more disguised or hidden than in the past. Today, for example, Orientalists sometimes avow that there are “good” Arabs and “good things” about their culture(s) while still seeing all Arabs as sharing an essential nature that is absolutely different from and inferior to the West. Orientalists are, furthermore, thought to be responding to a new global context marked by rapid communications that is bringing East and West into closer and more intense proximity, which requires more agile and subtle Orientalist strategies of response. While in the main, then, Orientalism remains Orientalism, Said and others have voiced the hope that contemporary scholarship is learning how to identify, critique, and counter even the most subtle of Orientalisms so that there is hope for the future. In art, finally, scholars and others often use this term in a more positive sense arguing that contemporary Western Orientalist artists, especially painters, frequently portray Asian realities as they are, not ideologically. They point, for example, to the work of the Spanish Orientalist artist, José González Bueno (1957- ) including his painting, “Grand Mosque of Damascus” (illustrated here). Other scholars and critics, however, note that many Orientalist artists still treat their subjects in more negative and stereotypical ways.

Sources & Examples: Al-Jbarat, 2015; Dagistanli & Grewal, 2016; Dehrmann, 2012; Goh, 2012; Khosravi, 2011; Lendon, 2011-2012; Maekawa, 2013; Morton, 2003; Said, 1978; Sharma & Sharma, 2003; Spigel, 2004; Turner, 1994.

See also: Hidden Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Latent Orientalism, Mainstream Orientalism, Modern Orientalism, Modernist Orientalism, New Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Corporate Orientalism

Said coined this term in his book, Orientalism (1978), to name one of the three foundational concepts (along with academic Orientalism and general Orientalism) of the study of Orientalism. Corporate Orientalism refers to all of the cultural and educational institutions created by Western society—that is, all of the means by which the West explains, dominates, and rules the Orient.

Sources & Examples: Cherkaoui, 2010; Jouhki, 2006; Said, [1978) 1995.

See also: Ideological Orientalism.

Cosmopolitan Orientalism

This term links Orientalism to the idea/ideology of “cosmopolitanism,” which sees the world as a unity and values the universal over the local. Scholars most often use it to describe the ways in which “cosmopolitan” writers and thinkers from many different nationalities tend to see "the Orient" as having an essential, distinct identity. Cosmopolitan Orientalists, however, also tend to be less dualistic and racist and more self-critical in their views of other cultures so that cosmopolitan Orientalism is a form of positive Orientalism. Less often, this term is used to describe a"cosmopolitan" artistic style or element that emphasizes exotic, extravagant Oriental images and themes. [revised 5/17]

Sources & Examples: Dalle Vacche, 2008; Domanska, 2004; Geraghty, 2014; Lennon, 2004; Neilly, 2013; Rahman, 2007; Yokota-Murakami, 2009.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Alternative Orientalism, Commercial Orientalism, Levantine Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Sarmatian Orientalism.

Counter-Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in one of two ways. First, they use it to describe those discourses and practices that seek to resist Orientalist prejudices. Most generally, counter-Orientalists attempt to question and undermine Orientalist ideologies, institutions, and behaviors by seeking to understand the Other in ways that do not duplicate Orientalist thinking. Counter-strategies include discovering new interpretations, listening to a variety of voices, avoiding dualistic categories, and engaging in intercultural dialogue. The goal of counter-Orientalism is to restore the humanity of Orientalized subjects. Edward Said is sometimes considered to be an example of a counter-Orientalist voice. A possibility inherent in counter-Orientalisms is that counter-Orientalist discourses may themselves covertly rely on Orientalist ways of thinking and acting. Second, in a few instances scholars use this term to describe a class of scholars, such as Bernard Lewis, who reject Said’s analysis of Orientalism or want to revise it to one degree or another.

Sources & Examples: Dasenbrock, 1998; Ferrarelli, 2007; Kummar, 2012; Mallette, 2010; Rapisardo, 2009.

See also: Affirmative Orientalism, Dissident Orientalism, Jewish Orientalism, Orientalist Projection(s), Reverse Orientalism.

Covert Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally in two different but closely related ways. First, they use it more often as an alternative to hidden Orientalism. As a rule, however, covert Orientalism is used only pejoratively to refer to “bad” ideological Orientalisms that are subtle or not obvious while the term hidden Orientalism may also be used in a positive sense. In this usage, “covert” is often paired with “overt”. Second and more narrowly, scholars and art critics use this term to describe works of art that are not intended to communicate ideological Orientalist prejudices but still do so by reinforcing stereotypes of an alien Other, by treating an Other as exotic, or by portraying the Other as inherently inferior.

Sources & Examples: Kamali, 2007; Muller, 2006; Ranashinha, 2007; Yu, 2004.

See also: Accidental Orientalism, Disguised Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Indirect Orientalism, Second-hand Orientalism, Second Order Orientalism, Structural Orientalism.

Critical Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe analytical, scholarly (i.e. “critical”) treatments of the subject of Orientalism and Orientalist discourses, which treatments fall into two large categories. First, scholars more often apply this term to Edward W. Said’s analysis of Saidian Orientalism in his book Orientalism (1978) and other writings and all of the critical, analytical scholarly work that has been done on Saidian Orientalism and ideological Orientalism, since 1978. Said in this case is credited with founding critical Orientalism. A very few scholars have called Saidian and ideological Orientalism unself-critical Orientalism or pre-critical Orientalism. More broadly, the term critical Orientalism is used occasionally to refer to scholarly, analytical evaluations of Orientalism without any reference to Said. Second, a few scholars have used this term more precisely to describe European Orientalist intellectual currents that imagined the “Orient” as having an essential, verifiable reality but were self-critically aware of the limitations of the knowledge of its reality including specifically certain Enlightenment writers and a larger number of nineteenth-century European scholars who were both Orientalists and critical of Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Baktir, 2007; Cohen, 1983; Heehs, 2003; Librett, 2015; Vint, 2009; Yee, 2016..

See also: Academic Orientalism, Enlightenment Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Post-Orientalism, Post-Saidian Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Crude Orientalism

Scholars use this term, almost invariably in passing and without defining it, to refer directly or by intention to Saidian Orientalism. In usage, it is similar to hard Orientalism. To the degree that there is a distinction, it would be that hard Orientalism is more intentional, a choice, and could be well thought out; crude Orientalism is Orientalism in its most basic, raw, and unrefined state. Rarely, there is an implication that crude Orientalism is an earlier stage in the development of Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Adam & Moodley, 2005; Geaves, 2010; Maier, 1996; Vetlesen, 2005.

See also: Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Crypto-Orientalism. See Hidden Orientalism.

Culinary Orientalism

Scholars use this infrequently used term usually to describe situations where the (Oriental) Other is imagined and defined by the supposedly “exotic” foods they eat and the ways in which they eat. In some cases, these eating habits are seen to be crude and repulsive; in other cases, they may be enticing and even promote spiritual healing. A very few scholars use the term Gastronomical Orientalism to describe a form of culinary Orientalism in which Western consumers of “exotic Oriental” cuisine imagine, control, and thus determine what they consider to be authentic Asian cuisine, which removes Asian food from its own context.

Sources & Examples: Fasman, 20070; Hirose, 2011; Strong, 2011; Timko, 2012.

See also: Economic Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism.

Cultural Orientalism

Scholars sometimes use this term broadly to include the full range of categories that fall under the concept of “culture,” and at other times they use it more narrowly to refer to specific elements of culture. In this narrower usage, cultural Orientalism is sometimes used as a synonym for aesthetic Orientalism. Whether used broadly or narrowly, scholars generally use this term to describe ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices that imagine the essential, changeless culture of an inferior, alien Other, which provides a negative mirror image of one’s own culture.

Sources & Examples: Bougetta & Bould, 2005; Dobie, 2001; Girelli, 2009; Hoult, 2015; Kaiwar & Mazumdar, 2009.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Cinematic Orientalism, Culinary Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Governmental Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Linguistic Orientalism, Philosophical Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Sartorial Orientalism, Social Orientalism, Transorientalism, Vernacular Orientalism.

Cybernetic Orientalism

This term is seldom used and then often in passing in different contexts. There does not seem to be a clear, concise meaning that is generally agreed upon. It appears to be still less used after roughly 2000. The scholars who use this term seem to be making at least two assertions about the nature of ideological Orientalism and its relationship to information and decision-making systems. First, Orientalism itself may be viewed as a closed informational system designed by Orientalists over time to manage their perceptions of “Oriental” Others. Second, scholars also this term to suggest that designers and users of cybernetic informational problem solving systems tend to introduce, perhaps unwittingly, Orientalist stereotypes and prejudices into those systems.

Sources & Examples: Biddick, 1998; Chun, 1999; Crysler, 2013; Dawson, 2011.

See also: Electronic Orientalism, Techno-Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.


D

Deep Orientalism. See Internal Orientalism.

De-Orientalism

This term is not widely used by scholars. When they do use it, they generally use it to describe the application of Jacques Derrida’s “strategy of deconstruction” (deconstructionism) to Orientalist discourses. De-Orientalism is thus a form of critical analysis that intends to unpack, that is “deconstruct,” the deeper meanings and assumptions underlying the ways in which Orientalists imagine and construct Others, most frequently as being essentially inferior. The goal of de-Orientalism is usually to redress the injustices that underlie Orientalist stereotypes. Scholars point out, however, that “de-Orientalists” often end up playing the same Orientalist game of treating groups of people as categories who are essentially “inferior” because of their Orientalism. Thus, for example, Australian discourses of various sorts can be deconstructed as being essentially Orientalist in nature, showing that Australians, again generally, engage in unjust stereotyping of Others—which judgment is itself an unfair (covert) Orientalist stereotyping of Australians. Interestingly, scholars who use this term do not apply it to Edward W. Said’s book, Orientalism (1978), even though a number of other scholars have observed that in it Said was in fact deconstructing the idea of Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Barlow, 2005; Heine, 1995; Levinson, 1997; Lewis, 1994; Vietan, 2016.

See also: Covert Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Desert Orientalism

This term is very rarely used, appearing primarily in Priya Satia’s, Spies in Arabia (2008). The relationship, however, of the desert to Orientalist imaginings and constructions is more widely recognized in the scholarly literature on Orientalism. Satia uses this term to describe late 19th century and early 20th century British romantic fiction’s attraction to the vast and austere openness of especially the deserts of Arabia and Egypt, which are seen to have a spiritual, mythic, and mystical quality. Hsu-Ming Teo, who does not use this term as such, also describes how British authors imagined these deserts as being “a landscape of the exotic” and “a primitive, romantic geography” and also notes the connection between the desert and spirituality. Although not directly tied to this term, European Orientalist artists produced many paintings of desert landscapes. [revised 7/17]

Sources & Examples: Satia, 2008; Teo, 2012.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Geographical Orientalism, Literary Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Dialogic Orientalism

Debashish Banerji has used this otherwise extremely rarely used term to describe an alternative, spiritual form of Romantic Orientalism identified with the Indian nationalist thinker Sri Aurobindo (1872-1950) who imagined and sought to construct a critically insightful dialogue between a “rational” West and “spiritual” India, which reveals that each shares the essential characteristics of the Other. The goal of this dialogue is a mutual transformation leading to the possibility of new futures.

Sources & Examples: Banerji, 2013.

See also: Alternative Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Spiritual Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism.

Disguised Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually pejoratively to describe situations in which an ideological Orientalism is more or less evident although not overtly acknowledged. In contrast to hidden Orientalisms, which are generally obscured as assumptions or implications of the thinking or acting of those who hold them, scholars usually see disguised Orientalisms as tending to be more intentional, apparent, negative, and even involving subterfuge.

Sources & Examples: Akhtar, 2014; Bailey, 1989; Behnke, 2013.

See also: Covert Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Dissident Orientalism

Laurence Cox coined this term to describe Europeans who embrace aspects of Asia, particularly Asian religions and then use what they embrace to critique their own society. Cox uses the term specifically to describe Irish converts to Buddhism in the 19th and 20th centuries.

Sources & Examples: Cox, 2013-1; Cox, 2013-2.

See also: Alternative Orientalism, Counter-Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism.

Divergent Orientalism. See Self-Orientalism.

Dogmatic Orientalism

This rarely used term is used by a very few scholars to refer to the most rigid, unthinking, and uncompromising forms of ideological Orientalism, which assume that the West is truly superior to the East ("Orient") in the real world. Dogmatic Orientalism is thus taken to be the Orientalism described by Edward W. Said (1978).

Sources & Examples: Balci, 2008; Lisle, 1992; Said, 1978.

See also: Anti-Islamic Orientalism, Blatant Orientalism, Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Islamic Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Domestic Orientalism. See Internal Orientalism.

Double Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in one of two ways. First, some scholars use it to describe situations in which an Other is treated as having two different but mutually reinforcing essential characteristics. China is, for example, seen as being both essentially Asian (“Oriental”) and essentially Communist; or, again, Japan is treated as being both the very essence of traditional Asia but also of modern techno-Orientalism. Second, other scholars use this term to describe situations in which a nation that is itself the object of Orientalist prejudice, such as Japan, in turn treats another nation or people, such as Tibet or Nepal, as being in some sense essentially inferior. Other scholars use the terms secondary Orientalism (2nd usage) or nesting [nested] Orientalism to describe this second type of double Orientalism. In addition, a few other scholars use this term idiosyncratically to describe other situations in which essentializing Orientalist categories are applied in two related ways, such as when Orientalisms in historical novels are said to reflect and even promote Orientalisms in real life.

Sources & Examples: Abbasi, n.d.; Barnett, 2001; Gusejnova, 2016; Miyake, 2016; Mugio, 2017; Park, 2010; Perreault, 2014; van Dam, 2017.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Nesting [Nested] Orientalism, Secondary Orientalism (2nd definition).

Dramatic Orientalism. See Theatrical Orientalism.

Dualistic Orientalism. See Binary Orientalism.


E

Early Orientalism

Scholars use this term, in general, to describe the initial historical stages or periods of Orientalism itself, dated variously anywhere from the beginning of the late 15th century to the 17th or 18th centuries. There is, however, no standard periodisation for the study of Orientalism—different scholars using different schemes—meaning especially that the distinction between early Orientalism and early modern Orientalism as well as Renaissance Orientalism and Enlightenment Orientalism is not clear. Early Orientalism, in any event, is usually seen as ending in the early 19th century, and it is linked to, again depending on the scholar, cultural changes such as the Enlightenment or the emergence of science. While sometimes this term is used similarly to the terms nascent Orientalism and proto-Orientalism, those terms focus more on that which anticipated or foreshadowed the emergence of Orientalism rather than being historical stages of Orientalism itself. The term incipient Orientalism is often used as a synonym for early Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Breckenridge & Van der Veer, 1993; Geczy, 2013; Goode, 2010; Kalmar, 2012; McCabe, 2008.

See also: Christian Orientalism, Early Modern Orientalism, Medieval Orientalism, Nascent Orientalism, Proto-Orientalism, Renaissance Orientalism.

Early Modern Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the ways in which European Orientalism from roughly the 15th/16th through the 17th/early 18th centuries laid the ground work for modern Orientalism and yet still differed from it in important ways—the degree of similarity and difference depending on the scholar and on the particular nation of Europe being considered (e.g. Spain or England). Scholars generally see it as being similar to modern Orientalism in that (Western) Europe considered the Orient, that is the Ottoman Empire, to be essentially different from and inferior to Christian Europe; and in a carry over from medieval fear of and disdain for Islam, the “infidel Turk” was considered to be by their very nature crafty, cruel, immoral, and damned by God. However, scholars also argue that early modern Orientalism differed from modern Orientalism in several ways, including: (1) the geographical extent of “Orientalism” was limited primarily to the Ottoman Empire and the definition of what exactly was “Oriental” was less clear; (2) Christian thinking and the Bible were still more central to European attitudes; yet, (3) attitudes toward the Ottoman Empire were more ambivalent and the sense of it being a radically different “Other” was less intense; (4) the “Orient” was more powerful, and Europe did not dominate it nor was European colonialism or imperialism involved; and (5) the institutional academic establishment of scholars, schools, and publications that was a hall mark of the modern era was not in place. In sum, scholars argue that the Orientalisms of the Renaissance and Enlightenment eras were more ambivalent toward the Ottoman Empire than would later be the case and sometimes more willing to explore similarities with rather than absolute differences from the (Oriental) Other. Yet, the general consensus seems to be that early modern Orientalism laid the fundamental bedrock of modern Orientalism in its treatment of the Ottomans as being essentially Other and inherently inferior. It should be noted, however that there is no standard periodisation for the study of Orientalism—different scholars using different schemes—meaning that the chronological distinction between early modern Orientalism and early Orientalism as well as Renaissance Orientalism and Enlightenment Orientalism is not clear.

Sources & Examples: Gonzales, 2013; Knowles, 2006; Longino, 2002; Madar, 2014; Al-Olaqi, 2016; Vitkus, 2003.

See also:Early Orientalism, Enlightenment Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Modern Orientalism, Renaissance Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Economic Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually to describe Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices that deal with the economic activities of an (Oriental) Other. In some cases, Orientalists imagine those activities as being backward or otherwise deficient; in other cases, they are perceived to be a threat to “Our” economic well-being. Or, again, economic Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices may be used to force the Other into subservience to Western economic values, systems, and practices. A very few scholars use the terms either Market Orientalism or Financial Orientalism to describe the same phenomena.

Sources & Examples: Cohen-Vrignaud, 2015; Dale, 1994; Eperjesi, 2005; Kumar, 2012; Lathem, 1999; Mason, 2015; Ren & Ooi, 2013; Smith, 2015.

See also:: Commercial Orientalism, Franchised Orientalism, Neoliberal Orientalism, Transorientalism.

Electronic Orientalism

Scholars generally use this relatively infrequently used term in at least two ways. First and more generally, they use it to describe the ways in which modern computerized communications media are used to continue to convey ideological images and constructions of Asians as having an essential nature that is assumed to be inferior to the West. Second and less frequently, a few scholars use this term to describe computer-related music that draws on Oriental elements.

Sources & Examples: Banerjea & Barn, 1996; Graf, 2010; Levidov, n.d.

See also: Cybernetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Techno-Orientalism.

Elite Orientalism. See Classical Orientalism.

Emergent Orientalism

Scholars use this seldom-used term in one of two ways: first, to describe the earliest stages of European ideological Orientalist discourses; and, second, to describe the pre-Orientalist sources or roots of such discourses.

Sources & Examples: Barbour, 2003; Marandi, 2010; Oldmeadow, 2004.

See also: Early Orientalism, Nascent Orientalism, Proto-Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Empathetic Orientalism. See Sympathetic Orientalism.

Enlightened Orientalism

For the most part, scholars use this term to refer to Enlightenment Orientalism; but a few scholars use it in passing simply to mean an Orientalism that is insightful, knowledgeable, and open-minded. This general usage goes back to the 19th and early 20th centuries when this term was used by writers who reflected the worldview of traditional Orientalism. They used it to describe an “enlightened” form of Oriental thinking and behavior that stood in contrast to the supposedly backward, uneducated, and morally impoverished Orientalism of the East.

Sources & Examples: Aliabadi, 2004; Bopp, 1849; Kumar, 2008; Long, 1883; Pagden, 2008.

See also: Enlightenment Orientalism, Orientalist Enlightenment, Traditional Orientalism.

Enlightenment Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the ways in which Enlightenment Era Europeans imagined and constructed the Orient. While the term itself is fairly widely used, there has been relatively little attention devoted to Orientalism in the 18th century Enlightenment, and much of the scholarship on this subject tends to look at it through the lens of 19th century Orientalism and the work of Edward W. Said. This relatively small field, in fact, is somewhat dominated by Srivivas Aravamudan’s book, Enlightenment Orientalism: Resisting the Rise of the Novel (2012), and the majority of the scholarly references to Enlightenment Orientalism are to this book, which looks at its subject through the prism of 18th century Orientalist fiction. Aravamudan concludes that Enlightenment Orientalism was a complex phenomenon that differed from the Orientalism of the 19th century in that it was less ideological, not tied to European colonialism nor invested in world domination, more ambivalent in its attitudes about the East, and less ideologically dualistic. He argues that one cannot, thus, read from Said’s rendering of 19th century Orientalism back to the Enlightenment. Other scholars, however, find that Enlightenment era Orientalists did frequently imagine and construct the Orient, including especially the Ottoman Empire, as being essentially and irredeemably exotic, inferior, cruel, erotic, and degenerate. They thus see clearer connections between later Orientalisms and those of the Enlightenment. Infrequently, a few scholars use the terms Enlightened Orientalism or Orientalist Enlightenment similarly to this term. [revised 4/18]

Sources & Examples: Arvamudan, 2012, Binhammer, et.al., 2014, Burke, 1998, Hammerbeck, 2004, Head, 2000.

See also: Critical Orientalism, Early Orientalism, Early Modern Orientalism, Enlightened Orientalism, Kantian Orientalism, Literary Orientalism, Philo-Orientalism, Philosophical Orientalism, Pre-modern Orientalism, Proto-Orientalism, Scottish Orientalism.

Entertainment Orientalism. See Popular Orientalism.

Environmental Orientalism

Scholars use this term to identify Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices that treat the natural environment, or particular elements of nature such as water, as an Other that has a fixed and immutable essence to be exploited. Nature is thus sometimes described in gender terms as passive, feminine, and ripe for conquest and use. This term is also applied to Orientalist discourses directed specifically against indigenous peoples living in rural or wilderness environments as a backward Other that is imagined to be dangerous to the environment they live in. Environmental Orientalisms thus promote a form of colonialism vis-à-vis natural environments and indigenous peoples.

Sources & Examples: Basri, 2011; Braun, 2002; Hayman, 2012; Narchi & Cristiani, 2015; Pálsson, 1996; Sawyer & Agrawai, 2000.

See also: Green Orientalism.

Epistemological Orientalism

This term has been used by a few scholars to describe the ways in which Western ways of thinking are internalized outside of the West especially through education and thus limit other peoples in their understanding of their own cultures. Epistemological Orientalisms are forms of self-Orientalization.

Sources & Examples: Bilgin, 2008; Harrison, 2002; Ortmeier, 2007.

See also: Internalized Orientalism, Oriental Orientalisms, Self-Orientalism.

Erotic Orientalism. See Sexual Orientalism.

Eskimo Orientalism. See Arctic Orientalism.

Esoteric Orientalism. See Occult Orientalism.

Ethnocentric Orientalism

Scholars most often use this term as another term for ideological Orientalism usually in its more blatant and prejudicial forms, and some associate it directly with Edward W. Said’s book, Orientalism (1978). It is generally used in passing and is neither widely nor rarely used.

Sources & Examples: Aziz, 2016; Oshukov, 2017; Pennanen, 2015; Roabacher, 2017.

See also: Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Ethnographic Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to describe the ways in which various early ethnographers, dating from the late 19th century to as late as the early 1950s, imagined and constructed the cultures of the peoples they studied as having essential natures, usually characterized as being primitive, pre-rational, and decadent. Scholars also use this term to describe European artists, especially painters, who used the findings of these ethnographic Orientalists as the basis for their artistic representations of “primitive” peoples, particularly Africans and Arabs. This term is not rare, but it is also not widely used.

Sources & Examples: Childs, 2005; El Shakry, 2007; Renkin, 2012.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Aesthetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Ethno-Orientalism. See Self-Orientalism.

Etymological Orientalism. See Comparative Orientalism.

Evangelical Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices that were the result of a conservative Protestant religious movement in Europe (especially Britain) and North America usually seen as beginning in the early 19th century. This “evangelical” movement is historically closely identified with evangelism, revivalism, and networks of voluntary associations, agencies, and educational institutions intended to sustain a domestic and international missionary movement. The ultimate goal is the conversion of the non-Christian world (the Other) to a “saving faith” in the Christian Triune God. These networks have continued into the present. Evangelical Orientalists use a distinct language of their own to imagine the Other as (historically) “heathen” or (today) those who are not “saved”.

Sources & Examples: Green, 2015; Goh, 2015; Kelly, 1989; Powell, 2003.

See also: Biblical Orientalism, Christian Orientalism, Learned Orientalism, Religious Orientalism, Theological Orientalism.

Exotic Orientalism

Scholars use this frequently used term in at least four distinct ways. First and most often, scholars and others use it to describe a broadly aesthetic style that creates what is taken to be the haunting, sensual, mystical, romantic, rhythmic ethos of the Orient. Second, scholars use this term as a synonym for ideological Orientalism, that is the imagining and constructing of the Oriental Other as having an essential, unchanging nature distinct from the West. Third, they use it in ways similar to the term, Orientalist exotica, to describe all of the “paraphernalia” used to promote an ethos of the Orient as distant, strange, mystical, sensuous, and alien. However, where scholars almost never link Orientalist exotica to ideological Orientalism, this term can suggest ideologies of Orientalism or hints of such ideologies even if not specified. Fourth, scholars also sometimes use this term and the term, Orientalist exoticism in similar ways to the point of being synonymous although this term, again, tends to be somewhat more ideological in tone. In all of these uses, Asian/Oriental women are objectified as exemplifying the very essence of exotic Asian-ness in their dress, their demeanor, and their supposedly alluring sensuousness. [revised 3/18]

Sources & Examples: Adisa-Farrar, 2012; Billington, 2008; Datta, 2006; Drowne & Huber, 2004; Ing, 2011; Keep on the Grass, 2016; Loos, 2009; Mock, 2007; Okayama & Ricatti, 2008, Peleg, 2005.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Fashion Orientalism, Jewish Orientalism, Literary Orientalism, Musical Orientalism, Orientalist Exotica, Orientalist Exoticism, Pictorial Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Seaside Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Theatrical Orientalism, Women’s Orientalism .

External Orientalism

Scholars use this term in contrast to and in comparison with internal Orientalism, generally understanding that both are forms of ideological Orientalism. External Orientalisms, thus, are directed at peoples who live outside of the Orientalist’s nation, territory, or society. The distinction between the two, however, is not absolute. Both terms refer to imagining an essentially alien Other, possibly a superior but usually an inferior Other; and when one “Orientalizes” an Other, they are likely to Orientalize themselves as having an essential, changeless nature as well. External Orientalism is thus often linked with self-Orientalism. Where scholars almost invariably discuss external Orientalism in the context of internal Orientalism, furthermore, the reverse is not as true. Internal Orientalism is the more independent of the two notions.

Sources & Examples: Hundorova, 2011; Lombardi-Diopo, 2011; Turner, 2002; Sulstarova, 2012.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.


F

Faddish Orientalism

Scholars use this seldom-used term in passing and not as a technical term as such. It is used to point to situations in which ideological Orientalism manifests itself in popular, consumer culture as a superficial enthusiasm for things “Oriental”.

Sources & Examples: DelPlato, 2002; Giemza, 2013.

See also: Commercial Orientalism, Fake Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Popular Orientalism.

Fairy Orientalism

Aidan Day uses this term to describe the relationship of the “magical realism” of Angela Carter (Angela Olive Carter-Pearce) to ideological Orientalism. Philippe Saad uses it more broadly to describe a poetic imagination of the exotic.

Sources & Examples: Day, 2012; Saad, 2009.

Fake Orientalism

Scholars use this term and, less frequently, the term phony Orientalism to describe the use of “Oriental” themes in the arts including architecture, music, the theater, and even such things as furniture design. As these terms suggest, fake or phony Orientalist themes lack authenticity and are used superficially and without any sense of subtlety. They reflect superficial popular cultural tastes for "the Orient" and sometimes are linked to what is considered sensual or exotic.

Sources & Examples: Burgess, 2012; Little, 2001; Rascaroli & Mazierska, 2003; Sing, 2001. Phony: Choudhury, 2000.

See Also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Faddish Orientalism, Popular Orientalism.

Falleheen Orientalism

This seldom used term is associated with the writings of author Jack Kerouac. It is generally used to describe Orientalist-like discourses that imagine the poor (fellaheen) as an admired, idealized Other.

Sources & Examples: Fazzino, 2016.

See also: Positive Orientalism, Strategic Orientalism.

False Orientalism

Usage of this term has its roots in 19th and early 20th century classical Orientalism. Scholars used it then and have used it since to describe that ways in which the English literature of that era, particularly the literature that was influenced by Romanticism, often used stilted language, quaint phrases, and obsolete words to imagine a “false Orient" that did not exist in reality. Oueijan argues that Said’s critique of classical Orientalism is actually a narrow, one-sided critique of false Orientalism rather than the larger body of actual Orientalist discourses. Some scholars now use the term pseudo-Orientalism (second usage) with the same meaning as false Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Abbasi & Anushiravani, 2010; Al-Awan, 2008; Apter, 1999; Apter, 1995; Holst-Warhaft , 2002; Oueijan, 1998; The Quarterly Review, 1894).

See also: Classical Orientalism, Pseudo-Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Fascist Orientalism

Scholars most frequently use this term to describe a form of ideological Orientalism that fits the category of hard Orientalism and was an element in European fascist ideology from the late 19th century. It is primarily associated with Italy and Germany but can also include other fascist dictatorships such as in Argentina. Fascist Orientalists defined the East with the usual set of Orientalist prejudices, but they emphasized the supposedly feminine (weak, passive, irrational, decadent) nature of the “Orientals”. They also tended to be anti-Semitic and overtly racist; and fascist Orientalism typically had as its goal the salvation and renewal of Western culture. Some scholars see fascist Orientalism as being closely connected to 19th century Romanticism. Nazi Orientalism was a closely related form of fascist Orientalism, and sometimes scholars use this term to describe the same thing as Nazi Orientalism. Rarely, this term is used to mean a domineering type of Orientalism having nothing to do with the historical phenomenon of fascism.

Sources & Examples: Clarke, 1997; Finchelstein, 2010; Kontje, 2004; Lee, 2004.

See also: Anti-Semitic Orientalism, Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Nazi Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Sexist Orientalism.

Fashion Orientalism

Scholars generally use this rarely used term to describe the ways in which clothing is used as a form of discourse that embodies ideological Orientalist prejudices about an imagined, objectified, and alien Other, usually Asian, in dress. Fashion Orientalists, that is, imagine that "Orientals" dress in certain ways, which supposedly embodies the essence of their identity.

Sources & Examples: Hoganson, 2007; McRobbie, 1998; Narumi, 2000.

See also: Cultural Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Sartorial Orientalism, Transorientalism.

Fashionable Orientalism

Scholars use this term normally to describe the use of “Oriental” themes in both the arts and popular culture including the cinema. These themes are understood to be exotic, extravagant, sumptuous, and ornate based on what is imagined to be Oriental tastes and aesthetics, which are often understood to be sensuous as well as culturally inferior to the West. Fashionable Orientalism’s hey-day ran from the 18th century into the 20th century.

Sources & Examples: Blau, 1999; Dyer, 2011; Fisher, n.d.; McLean, 1997; Middleton, 2000; Stathatos, 2010; Thomas, 2013.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Commercial Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism.

Female Orientalism. See Feminist Orientalism.

Feminine Orientalism. See Feminist Orientalism.

Feminist Orientalism

Scholars use this term in two general ways. First, it can mean feminist analysis of ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices directed specifically against women. It is more usual for scholars to term this usage sexual Orientalism, and it is also sometimes called female Orientalism. Second, this term is also used by scholars to encompass the various ways in which women participate in and exhibit Orientalist prejudices. In this usage, this term is sometimes used by feminist scholars specifically to analyze critically the ways in which the Western feminist movement has Orientalized other women, seeing themselves as superior to women in the East or South. Some scholars of feminist Orientalism reverse the term to read, “Orientalist feminism,” which usually is applied to this second usage. And some scholars use the term feminine Orientalism instead of feminist Orientalism but with the same two meanings.

Sources & Examples: Abu-Lughod, 2001; Ho, 2010; Lewis, 1996; Liddle & Rai, 1998; Sunaina, 2008; Weber, 2001; Yeğenoğlu, 1998; Zayzafoon, 2005; Zonana, 1993.

See also: Canadian Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Sexist Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism; Women's Orientalism.

Financial Orientalism. See Economic Orientalism.

Finnish Orientalism

Scholars note that Edward W. Said’s book, Orientalism (1978), has had very little impact on the study of the Orient/Middle East among scholars in Finland, and there has been almost no inclination to examine scholarly Finnish Orientalism through its lens. Said has been seen as irrelevant because he was “trendy” and focused on French and British Orientalisms, where the Fins have tended to follow German approaches to Orientalism. As a result, very little research has been done on the ways in which Finns, including scholars, imagine and frame Others, near or far. What research has been done suggests that at least some Finnish Orientalists have treated Muslims and Arabs as having an essential identity that is inferior, to one degree or another, to the West.

Sources & Examples: Isoltalo, 1995; Juusola, 2013.

See also: Borealism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Scandinavian Orientalism.

Flexible Orientalism

This term is not widely used among scholars. When it is used however, it is used in at least three ways. First, scholars most often use it to describe how Orientalists adapt the ways in which they imagine and construct an essential, exotic, and inferior Other to changing contexts and situations of the Other and/or to changing contexts, situations, and self-interests of the Orientalists themselves. Such changes take place over time, again as contexts, situations, and self-interests change. Second, a few historians use this term specifically to describe the earlier 19th century British educational policy in colonial India that promoted both European and Indian classical learning. Third and more rarely, a few other scholars use this term to describe situations in which “Orientals” themselves are understood to be less rigid and more adaptable at given times and in given contexts; they remain, nonetheless, essentially Oriental.

Sources & Examples: Brimmell, 1959; Frantantuono, 2008; Frow & Morris, 1993; Kopf, 1969; Krolcke, 2004-2005; Stein, 2009.

See also: Ideological Orientalism.

Folk Orientalism

This seldom-used term is used primarily by Gísli Pálsson to describe a form of ideological, popular Orientalism historically found in Iceland, which tells tales enshrined in sagas about an essential Self opposed to exotic, outlandish Others.

Sources & Examples: Burke, 2011; Pálsson, 1995; Stefansson & Pálsson, 2001.

See also: Popular Orientalism.

Franchised Orientalism

Leong Yew coined this rarely used term to describe the ways in which the nation of Singapore imports Western goods and services including fast food franchises, which goods and services remain overtly Western in form but are also reconfigured to fit into its own cultural circumstances. The result is a nuanced blend that relies on Western ways of thinking, acting, and organizing but is also influenced by the Singaporean context.

Sources & Examples: Yew, 2011; Yew, 2013.

See also: Economic Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Hybrid Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Transorientalism.

Frontier Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term, coined by Andre Gingrich, to describe a particular variety of ideological Orientalism found in those areas of Europe that border or once bordered Muslim territory, especially in the Balkans. In most aspects, it is similar to ideological Orientalism, but it differs in the fact that the Muslim Other is close, powerful, and perceived to be threatening. Frontier Orientalism thus influences all social classes and historically has had a marked impact on national identity and expressions of nationalism.

Sources & Examples: Bartulović, 2010; Gingrich, 1998; Mihelj, 2005; Sánchez, 2014; Wheatcraft, 2008.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Local Orientalism, Nesting Orientalism, Peripheral Orientalism.

Front-Stage Orientalism. See Blatant Orientalism.


G

Gamic Orientalism. See Techno-Orientalism.

Gastronomical Orientalism. See Culinary Orientalism.

Gaze (Orientalist). See Orientalist Gaze.

Gendered [Gender] Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to describe the ways in which ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices of all kinds place men and/or women in the category of the stereotypical Other. Western Orientalists, for example, can describe Asian men as being dangerous to Asian women because both are essentially backward while the West is civilized. In theory, gendered Orientalisms are distinguished from sexual Orientalism by their focus on gender rather than the sex act. In practice, however, scholars will at times use the term sexual Orientalism more generally to refer to gendered discourses that treat men or women as the Other. Scholars note that gendered Orientalisms are often paired with racial Orientalism so that, for example, “brown men” or “black women” are the subjects of Orientalist prejudice.

Sources & Examples: Abu-Lughod, 2013; David, 2010; Khalid, 2011; Khalid, 2014; Yoshihara, 2003.

See also:Feminist Orientalism, Homoerotic Orientalism, Male Orientalism, Racial Orientalism, Sexist Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism.

Geographical Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term, often rendered as Orientalist geography, in three different ways. First and most often, they use it to describe Edward W. Said’s understanding of Orientalism as being fundamentally spatial (i.e. geographical) where the Self is imagined to be in one (Western) “place” and the Other in a distant, strange, exotic (Eastern/Oriental) “place”. For Said and the large body of scholars who have followed his lead, Orientalism is thus the stereotypes and ideologies that imagine and frame an inferior Orient in opposition to a superior West. In this sense, Saidian Orientalism is geographical Orientalism. Second and less often, other scholars use this term to describe the ways regional Orientalisms within a nation (e.g. “modern” Northern Italy versus “backward” Southern Italy) or within a continent (especially, Western Europe versus Eastern Europe) are imagined and framed spatially (geographically). Third and much less frequently, scholars also use this term to describe the ways in which the academic field of geography—historically, in the service of European colonialism—has itself been a venue or medium for imagining and constructing Others living in distant, “exotic” lands as being essentially different and usually inferior.

Sources & Examples: Eck, 2013; Graan, 2010, Johnson & Coleman, 2012; Lewin, 2008; Livingston, 2003.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Desert Orientalism, Frontier Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Local Orientalism, Maritime Orientalism, Regional Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Global Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in one of two ways. First, the great majority of its users use it loosely and more-or-less in passing as a synonym for ideological Orientalism, traditional Orientalism, and/or Saidian Orientalism—seeing these forms of Orientalism as being widespread international (“global”) phenomena. Second, a smaller number of scholars more fully define this term, doing so in a number of ways. Some describe it as being part of the worldwide (“global”) reach of European colonialism and Western imperialism. Others see it as a more recent phenomenon—although rooted in the past—that is promoted by such things as international developments especially in the area of technology (“globalization”) and by “global” events such as 9/11. Some scholars emphasize the ways in which formerly colonial peoples and others internalize and thus make "global" Western Orientalist thinking through the processes of self-Orientalism. A few others observe that the notion of Orientalism has an inner “dynamic” that is universalizing and expansive by its very nature and in that sense “global”.

Sources & Examples: Ascari, 2006; Chan-Malik, 2011; Cazzatro, 2016; Ko, 2016; Morgan & Poynting, 2012; Vukovich, 2012; Ward, 2010.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Self-Orientalism; Systemic Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Gothic Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to describe the influence of Gothic, including Romantic Gothic, themes in Western literature by which authors imagine a lurid, emotional, sensual, exotic, fearful, despotic East, which was thus presented as a dangerous, evil, and violent antithesis to the West. Gothic Orientalism emerged in the later 18th century and was most influential in 19th century Romantic literature. Some scholars see its influences carrying over into the 20th and 21st centuries.

Sources & Examples: Bloom, 2010; Hughes, 2013; Mulvey-Roberts, 1998; Ziter, 2003.

See also:Literary Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Governmental Orientalism

C. Bradford Ellison uses this term to describe the ways in which international governmental development agencies and their personnel draw upon ideological Orientalism to imagine and construct the non-Western nations in which they work as being essentially poor, backward, and culturally deficient. They see these nations as being the opposite of the West, which they imagine to be essentially wealthy. They construct poverty in Western nations to be an aberration that is unrepresentative of the "true" West. These agencies and their personnel use the ideology of Orientalism to justify and legitimate their powerful interventions in the nations where they work.

Sources & Examples: Ellison, 2016.

See also:Cultural Orientalism, Green Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Political Orientalism, Urban Orientalism.

Greek Orientalism (Ancient)

Scholars use this term and, less frequently, the term Athenian Orientalism to describe ways in which the ancient Greeks are thought to have imagined and constructed Eastern peoples and their cultures as being the essential, timeless (Oriental) Other. The idea, however, that modern-day Orientalist attitudes can be attributed to the ancient Greeks has generated much debate, a debate that began with Edward W. Said (1978) who argues that the ancient Greeks were the progenitors of Western ideological Orientalism. This debate focuses in part on Greek attitudes towards the “barbarians” (barbaroi). Some scholars argue that the Greeks took Eastern peoples to be the model for barbarism, which peoples included the inhabitants of Anatolia, the people of modern-day Syria, the Egyptians, and especially the Persians. There does seem to be some consensus that ancient Greek attitudes towards these “Orientals” were complex, fluid, and could be inconsistent and contradictory. Scholars have identified the era of the Persian Wars (499-449 BC) in the 5th century B.C. as being an important moment in these shifting attitudes, one that encouraged the Greeks to see particularly the Persians as being essentially inferior, effeminate, weak, and immoral in comparison to the manliness, military skills, and moral goodness of the Greeks themselves. Even then, however, the Greeks embraced artistic and sartorial styles, as well as social and political influences from the Persians. Prior to the 5th century BC, in sum, the Greeks do not seem to have held a full-blown ideology of Orientalism although traces and elements of an embryonic Orientalism are at times evident. Even after the Persian Wars, the picture is mixed, and scholars are able to make apparently strong arguments for and against the idea that ancient Greek Orientalism was fully “Saidian,” depending on the sources they use. The claim that modern-day Western Orientalism began in ancient Greece remains equally contested.

Sources & Examples: Franklin, 2010; Huang, 2007; Llewellyn-Jones, 2017; McPhail, 2015; Miller, 2006; Polański, 2002; Redmond, 2012; Said, 1978.

See also: Ancient Orientalism, Greek Orientalism (Modern), Ideological Orientalism, Maritime Orientalism, Roman Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Greek Orientalism (Modern)

Scholars generally use this term in one of three ways. First, they use it to describe the ways in which Western Europeans, including the 19th century philhellenes, have often imagined and constructed modern Greece as a backward “Oriental-like” Balkan nation that historically was long a part of the Ottoman Empire. Some Western commentators have argued that there is nothing of ancient Greece remaining while others still see traces of Greece’s ancient civilization in the modern nation. The tourist industry in Greece has played its part in constructing Greece as the home of ancient civilization and the locale of a contemporary exotic, Eastern-like “Other”. Second, modern Greeks themselves from the late 18th century onward have often employed ideological Orientalisms to define their self-identity over against neighboring peoples. According to scholars, the Greeks have long rejected their Ottoman, Oriental heritage and identified themselves with Western Europe, and one way they do this is by constructing their Balkan neighbors as being essentially inferior, Oriental-like peasants who lack Greece’s high civilization. By the same token, they imagine Turkish and Arab peoples as being dangerous, seductive, lacking values, lethargic, and the very antithesis of the West generally and Greece in particular. Greek Orientalism is thus an example of the Orientalist strategy often termed nested (or nesting) Orientalism, which is a strategy that scholars identify with the Balkans by which Balkan peoples, themselves the objects of Western European Orientalisms, impose their own Balkan Orientalisms on peoples to their East. The complexities and ambiguities of Greek Orientalism are further reinforced by the fact that the Greeks also still cherish distinctive, non-Western elements of their heritage, notably Greek Orthodoxy, as being essential elements of their identity. They also often identify themselves with the ancient Greeks, especially the age of the Persian Wars. Third, scholars also use this term to describe those 19th and 20th century Greek painters whose Orientalist styles draw on Western European aesthetic Orientalisms while portraying both Greeks and Middle Easterners in more sympathetic terms. From the 1840s to the 1860s, the “Munich School” of painting heavily influenced Greek artists thereafter many Greek painters became more impressionistic, including Konstantinos Maleas (1879-1928), one of the most influential of Greek painters, whose painting, Boats on the Nile, (1923) is illustrated here.

Sources & Examples: Gauntlett, 2003; Glycofrydi-Leontsini, 2014; Gotsi, 2006; Joseph, 2003; Mishkova, 2006 and 2008, Mitralexis, 2017; Tzanelli, 2003.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Greek Orientalism (Ancient), Ideological Orientalism, Nesting [Nested] Orientalism, Temporal Orientalism, Tourist Orientalism.

Green Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the ways in which Western environmentalists and environmental agencies imagine and frame indigenous peoples living in areas targeted for environmental protection as being essentially backward. Green Orientalism may, thus, be called upon to justify the use of power over those peoples.

Sources & Examples: Lohmann, 1993; Russell, 2005; Yue, 2010.

See also: Environmental Orientalism, Governmental Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.


H

Hard Core Orientalism. See Hard Orientalism.

Hard Orientalism

Scholars use this this term, if infrequently, to describe ideological Orientalism in its most blatant, prejudiced, rigid, uncompromising, dominating, and specifically anti-Islamic forms. It is generally compared with and contrasted to soft Orientalism. Annelies Moors has used the term hard core Orientalism similarly, although with an erotic subtext included as well.

Sources & Examples: Jones, 2006; Kalmar, 2012; Moors, 2005; Pasha, 2012.

See also: Anti-Islamic Orientalism, Blatant Orientalism, Common Sense Orientalism, Dogmatic Orientalism, Ethnocentric Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Racist Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Soft Orientalism.

Hebraic Orientalism. See Jewish Orientalism.

Hebrew Orientalism. See Jewish Orientalism.

Hegelian Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the ways in which the German philosopher, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770 –1831), and philosophers influenced by him imagined and constructed “the Orient” through their philosophical writings. Drawing on the growing European interest in and body of knowledge concerning the Orient of his day, Hegel fit the various peoples of Asia into his philosophical idealism and historicism by which he described the progressive emergence of the world’s Spirit (geist) from its universal, Oriental past into a present in which the Spirit was embodied more fully in particular, European nations—making them superior in every way to “Orientals”. History for Hegel was thus the unfolding of the Spirit in concrete forms, and while the process of this unfolding may have begun in the East, it was culminating in Europe. Hegel thus characterized India and China as being primitive, superstitious, stagnant, morally corrupt, effeminate, and devoid of reason; and he rejected the arguments of those Romantics who sought to elevate especially India as the source of European wisdom and knowledge, thus superior to Europe. He viewed Islam as a latter-day resurgence of Judaism that had a rich civilization while Europe was far less advanced. However, in the main, Islam in his view was as unprogressive as the rest of the Orient. The East, in sum, represented a lower level of human development while Europe was the locality in which the world Spirit was progressively emerging. All of this is to say, that Hegel articulated a full-blown ideological Orientalism that constructed Orientals as having an essential, timeless nature inferior to that of the West; and his Orientalism is understood to have had a large impact on the history of Western Orientalism long after his own time.

Sources & Examples: Billimora, 2005; Crawford, n.d.; Dallmayr, 1996; Kaiwar & Mazumdar, 2009; Kalmar, 2006; Kalmar, 2012.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Historicist Orientalism, Idealist Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Philosophical Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, .

Hellenistic [Hellenic] Orientalism

This rarely used scholarly term predates Edward W. Said’s book, Orientalism (1978) and is still in use today to describe a cultural, intellectual, and social movement that developed during the Hellenistic period on what became the eastern frontier of the Roman Empire. That movement was a synthesis of Greek and Eastern (“Oriental”) elements; and it had an impact on the Parthian and Roman Empires as well as Greek art and culture.

Sources & Examples: Devasahayam, 2007; Polanski, 2000; Rostovtzeff, 1940.

Hidden Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to describe the ways in which ideological Orientalist discourses and practices can be difficult to detect, whether they are expressions of positive or negative attitudes toward the Other. Expressions of hidden Orientalist tendencies can be detected not only in those who are prejudiced against another people, culture, or group, but also in those who are the object of such Orientalist prejudices as a form of self-Orientalism. S. Habib Mousavi and Fateme Ghafoori use the term masked Orientalism and Michal Frenkel and Yehouda Shenhav use the term backstage Orientalism to mean the same thing. Other scholars use the terms covert Orientalism, crypto-Orientalism, or subconscious Orientalism as synonyms usually of the negative, ideological form of hidden Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Chatterjee, 1997; Frenkel & Shenhav, 2006; Little, 2008; Makin, 2010; Uzgören, 2012; Mousavi & Ghafoori, 2012.

See also: Accidental Orientalism, Banal Orientalism, Contemporary Orientalism, Cosmopolitan Orientalism, Covert Orientalism, Disguised Orientalism, Internalized Orientalism, Latent Orientalism, Meta-Orientalism, New Age Orientalism, Practical Orientalism, Second-degree Orientalism, Second Order Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Sinological Orientalism, Structural Orientalism.

High Orientalism. See Classical Orientalism.

High-tech [High Tech] Orientalism

This term was first used by Wendy Hui Kyong Chun to describe what is more widely termed, techno-Orientalism; and other scholars generally, although not always, cite her when using it. Chun uses this term to describe the ways in which cyberpunk fiction and films have been used to imagine and construct a technological world apparently dominated by Japan and/or other Asians including Asian-Americans, which domination threatens the identity of especially white American males who feel vulnerable and powerless as a result. According to Chun, high-tech Orientalists thus imagine and create cyberspace as a form of frontier “territory” in which “console cowboys” are able to conquer this Asia-like digital space, which is often imagined as both exotic and erotic.

Sources & Examples: Chun, 2003; Chun, 2008; Goto-Jones, 2015; Park, J., 2010.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Techno-Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism.

Hippie Orientalism See Beat Orientalism.

Historical Orientalism

Scholars generally and widely use this term to encompass the whole past of the phenomenon of Orientalism in all of its aspects and manifestations from its inception (dated variously) through roughly the mid-twentieth century. Within this most general meaning, however, most scholars add a second layer of meaning basically understanding “historical” Orientalism to be all of Orientalism prior to the publication of Edward W. Said’s book, Orientalism, in 1978. As a result, they also understand this term very differently depending on their take on the relationship between Saidian Orientalism, which imagines and constructs an essentially exotic and inferior Orient, and historical Orientalism. Some scholars hold that Said's description of Orientalism as an ideology reflects its historical reality while others disagree, arguing that Said misrepresents the "truth" of historical Orientalism. And still other scholars see a mixed picture in which Said is correct in some ways and misleading in others. Various scholars express differing viewpoints. Only rarely does a scholar use this term apart from this debate over the veracity and usefulness of Said’s critique of the historical phenomenon of Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Elgarmi, 2005; Gavahi, 2011; Malibat, 2006; Scott, 1994; Tansley, 2004.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Old-fashioned Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Historicist Orientalism

While not rare, this term and its synonym, Orientalist Historicism, are not widely used. Scholars use them generally to describe the notion that 18th and 19th century European, especially German, ideological Orientalism was grounded in a historical scheme, which held that the cultural and religious (spiritual) origins of Western civilization are found in the ancient Orient. In the intervening centuries, however, the West has progressively transcended its Oriental roots while the East has devolved so that the two are supposed to have become mirror-image opposites, Western civilization being based on reason and social order while the East has become intellectually irrational and socially chaotic. Scholars often describe this Orientalist historical schema as being, “teleological,” that is the East served the purpose and function of setting Western civilization on its future course. Critics and commentators of Edward W. Said’s writings on the subject of Orientalism, additionally, at times argue that he himself reflects the ideas and attitudes of historicism. The term, Orientalist historicism, is also and still less frequently used to describe nationalist movements in Asian art, notably the early 20th century Bengal School of Indian art, which draw on images and themes from their “Oriental” past to promote a supposedly more indigenous art. [revised 1/18]

Sources & Examples: Al-Azmeh, 1986; Fulford, 2008; Librett, 2012; Librett, 2015; Mitter, 2007; Said, 1978; Teo, 2010; Turner, 1978.

See also: Hegelian Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Philosophical Orientalism.

Hollywood Orientalism See Cinematic Orientalism.

Homegrown [Home-grown] Orientalism. See Indigenous Orientalism.

Homoerotic Orientalism

Scholars normally use this term to describe the ways in which Western ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices have long associated Asians and Muslims with homoeroticism. These discourses describe the supposed sexual fantasies of “Oriental” exotic excess calling on images of bathhouses, slave markets, and virile youths. Western homosexual tourism's pursuit of these fantasies, especially in North Africa, has been one expression of homoerotic Orientalism. Some scholars use the term queer Orientalism as a synonym for (male) homoerotic Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Ellis, 2005; Hedrick, 2013; Waitt & Markwell, 2006.

See also: Sexual Orientalism.

Humanistic Orientalism

Scholars use this term and the associated term, Orientalist humanism, in at least four different ways. First, some scholars use them to describe the ways in which historical humanist movements have imagined and constructed (Oriental) Others in stereotypical ways, taking the notions and understandings of the West as the standards by which the Other is measured and understood. The implication is that those movements, 15th century European humanism for example, manifested elements of a covert ideological Orientalism in spite of their overt attempts to move away from traditional, religious thinking. Second, other scholars use these terms also historically to describe humanists, for example among British colonial officials or 19th century German Orientalists, who imagined and constructed the essential nature of the Orient more positively, less critically, and saw “Oriental civilizations” as being equal to European civilization. In colonial settings, these Orientalists are understood to have advocated a form of positive Orientalism that came into conflict with traditional ideological Orientalism, particularly evangelical Orientalism. Third, still other scholars use these terms to describe a modern-day tension in non-Western nations among indigenous scholars, artists, and others between the requirements of nation-building and movements to preserve cultural diversity within the nation. “Orientalist humanists” thus both support and resist the needs of the nation-state to create an essential central (Orientalist) identity. Fourth and very rarely, a very few scholars use this term to describe Edward W. Said’s approach to the study of Orientalism. Said apparently never used this term himself, but he did describe himself as a humanist and sought to examine Orientalism with the tools of what he took to be critical humanist reflection liberated from constricting, oppressive ideologies and theologies.

Sources & Examples: Amit, n.d.; Marchand, 2013; Opschoor, 2004; Qureshi, 2010; Ray, 2007; Said, 1978; Said, 2003; Tommasino, 2015; Yokota-Murakami, 1998; Young, 2009.

See also: Ideological Orientalism; Positive Orientalism; Saidian Orientalism, Scottish Orientalism, Sympathetic Orientalism.

Hybrid Orientalism

This term was first used in the 19th century to describe the ways in which European and Oriental cultures combined with each other. Scholars today generally use it in much the same way to describe the ways in which exotic “Oriental” aesthetic or cultural forms or elements (e.g. jewelry, music, interior décor, clothing, paintings) are blended with familiar European ones. The influence and elements of Romanticism are often involved, and generally the hybridization of Oriental and Western forms involves networks of cultural institutions. Other scholars use this term to describe the ways in which ideological Orientalisms are combined with other ideologies. In all cases, hybrid Orientalisms stand at the blurred, often uncertain boundaries between Orientalism and the larger world, thus raising questions about how best to define and conceptualize the meaning and content of the notion of Orientalism. Scholars also note that in hybrid Orientalisms "Orientals" often imagine and construct the West as much as the West creates imagined Orientals. [revised 5/17]

Sources & Examples: Emerson, 2008; “A Glimpse of Asia Minor,” 1891; Manning, 2014; Chi Hyun Park, 2004; Potvin, 2013; Sheller, 2003; Thomas, 2004; Vaipeyi, 2012; Williams, 2014; Youde, 2015.

See also:Aesthetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Pseudo-Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.


I

Idealist Orientalism. See Philosophical Orientalism.

Ideological Orientalism.

Most scholars today use the term “Orientalism” as a short hand way of referring to this term, which, defined more narrowly, describes the ways in which large, influential numbers of Western scholars, artists, political leaders, opinion makers, and the public at large systematically imagine and construct the peoples and cultures of “the Orient” (including Arabs, Muslims, and Asians in general) as having exotic, essentially different, and unchanging natures. Defined more broadly, ideological Orientalism encompasses the attitudes directed toward any supposedly exotic, unchanging Other who is taken to be essentially different from one’s own Self and culture, whether “Oriental” or otherwise. The modern-day study of ideological Orientalism begins with Edward W. Said (Orientalism, 1978) who argues that especially academic Orientalism historically perpetuated a set of prejudices concerning “Orientals” that frames them, among other things, as being exotic, inferior, incapable of rational thought, emotional, incapable of change, despotic, sensual, and in all these ways the opposite of the West. Said described Orientalism as being imperialistic, colonialist, racist, and sexist. It was thus a way of defining, controlling, and exercising power over alien Others. Said’s work was immediately controversial and precipitated an ongoing debate concerning the nature of ideological Orientalism, which has resulted in a more complex, nuanced understanding of it. There are forms of ideological Orientalism that are positive in which the Other is seen as being superior. In other cases, Orientalist attitudes are relatively benign, partial, or insignificant. They also change over time. Or again, (Oriental) Others often internalize the prejudices directed at them, embrace those attitudes, and rework them into positive qualities. Those who are subjected to Orientalist “othering” sometimes redirect those prejudice toward their own Others, who they see as being essentially, irredeemably inferior. As scholars have grown to understand the utility and the complexity of the notion of ideological Orientalism, they have also expanded its use to describe situations in which non-Asian Others are also often treated as having essential, unchanging, and absolutely different identities. In these ways, the concept of ideological Orientalism differs from Saidian Orientalism, which is almost entirely negative and focuses on prejudices directed toward Arabs, Muslims, and Asian peoples generally. This term itself is neither rare nor common since, as noted, most scholars simply use the short-hand term, “Orientalism” to mean "ideological Orientalism." [revised 11/17]

Sources & Examples: Jansson, 2003; Hsu, 2003; Hughes, 2007; Owen, 2007; Sadowski, 2006; Said, 1978; Said, 1985.

See also: Abstract Orientalism, Academic Orientalism, Accidental Orientalism, Aesthetic Orientalism, Affirmative Orientalism, Ambivalent Orientalism, Anti-Islamic Orientalism, Anti-Semitic Orientalism, Arab Orientalism, Arabic Orientalism, Arch Orientalism, Architectural Orientalism, Binary Orientalism, Blatant Orientalism, Brown Orientalism, Canadian Orientalism, Canonical Orientalism, Caribbean Orientalism, Cartographical Orientalism, Categorical Orientalism, Celticism, Christian Orientalism, Classical Orientalism, Comic Orientalism, Comic Book Orientalism, Common Sense Orientalism, Comparative Orientalism, Contemporary Orientalism, Critical Orientalism, Crude Orientalism, Cybernetic Orientalism, Disguised Orientalism, Double Orientalism, Dogmatic Orientalism, Early Modern Orientalism, Electronic Orientalism, Ethnocentric Orientalism, Ethnographic Orientalism, Flexible Orientalism, Global Orientalism, Greek Orientalism (Ancient), Greek Orientalism (Modern), Green Orientalism, Hard Orientalism, Hegelian Orientalism, High-tech Orientalism, Historical Orientalism, Humanistic Orientalism, Imperial (Imperialist) Orientalism, Infantile Orientalism, Indirect Orientalism, International Congress of Orientalists, International Orientalism, Institutional Orientalism, Irish Orientalism, Islamic Orientalism, Jewish Orientalism, Journalistic Orientalism, Kemalist Orientalism, Legal Orientalism, Local Orientalism, Mainstream Orientalism, Male Orientalism, Maritime Orientalism, Methodological Orientalism, Military Orientalism, Mythic Orientalism, Naïve Orientalism, Negative Orientalism, Nesting Orientalism, Nuclear Orientalism, Old Orientalism, Orientalism Theory, Orientalist Gaze, Orientalist Parasite, Orientalist Projection(s), Orthodox Orientalism, Orientology, Paranoid Orientalism, Paternalistic [Paternal] Orientalism, Patronizing Orientalism, Peripheral Orientalism, Philological Orientalism, Philosophical Orientalism, Pictorial Orientalism, Primary Orientalism, Quasi-Orientalism, Racist Orientalism, Relational Orientalism, Resurgent Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Russian Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Scientific Orientalism, Scottish Orientalism, Seaside Orientalism, Second-hand Orientalism, Sexist Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism, Social Orientalism, Subversive Orientalism, Systemic Orientalism, Theological Orientalism, Theoretical Orientalism, Tourist Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism, Transplanted Orientalism, Visual Orientalism, Wacky Orientalism, Zionist Orientalism.

Imaginative Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the many ways in which Orientalists picture in their mind’s eye and thus construct an Other (often but not necessarily an “Oriental” Other); and thereby define that Other as having an unchanging, undifferentiated nature essentially different from the Self. Edward Said first used this term in his introduction to Orientalism (1978).

Sources & Examples: Aravamundan, 2012; Nash, 2011; Pick, 2012; Said, 1978; Thapa, 2008; Zavitz, 2004.

See also: Ideological Orientalism.

Imperial (Imperialist) Orientalism

Scholars use this term as a synonym for ideological Orientalism. It is used most frequently to refer to British or French ideological Orientalisms in the colonial era, but it may also refer to the Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices of other imperial nations such as Russia and Japan.

Sources & Examples: Conversi, 2000; Kochar, 2004; Marandi, 2010; Said, 1985; Sekimoto, 2011; Yee, 2008.

See also: Ideological Orientalism.

Inadvertent Orientalism. See Accidental Orientalism.

Incipient Orientalism. See Early Orientalism.

Indigenous Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually to describe a form of reverse Orientalism or self-Orientalism employed especially by non-European educated elites including scholars, which draws on Western ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices to imagine their own non-European Self in relationship to a Western Other. There are two large classes of indigenous Orientalisms. First, indigenous Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices may treat one’s own non-Western culture, especially traditional culture, as an inferior Other. Legal scholars in post-1948 China, for example, often look on traditional Chinese law as being essentially inferior to modern, Western-style law. In this usage, indigenous Orientalism is a form of internal Orientalism that is usually directed at one's own people as a form of self-Orientalism. Poddar and Subba have coined the otherwise fairly rarely used term, home-grown Orientalism, to describe this same first form of indigenous Orientalism. Second, some scholars use this term to describe the ways in which "indigenous," non-Western Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices are employed to define an exterior, alien Other that is deemed to be essentially inferior—such as views sometimes held in Turkey regarding Arabs. Additionally, this term is also sometimes used to differentiate American Orientalism from European Orientalism. This term and the term Native Orientalism (Contemporary usage) both apply to virtually the same phenomenon and are used largely in the same ways.

Sources & Examples: Huang, 2010; Inhorn, 2012; Marandi, 2014; Mousavi & Ghafoori, 2012; Poddar & Subba, 1992; Potuoǧlu-Cook, 2008; Sweeny, 2007; Volait, 2006; Zimmerman, 2011.

See also: Reverse Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Legal Orientalism.

Indirect Orientalism

This term is not widely used. When scholars do use it, they most often use it to describe forms of what is more often termed covert Orientalism by which Orientalist images and constructions of the Other are expressed (“indirectly”) in less open, less obvious, and more round about ways. A few other scholars have used the first meaning of the term, second-hand Orientalism, in the same way. Scholars have also used this term in other ways as well. Jülide Karakoç has used it to describe the ways in which American Orientalist foreign policy in the Middle East relies (“indirectly”) upon local actors such as Turkey or Israel for its conduct. And C. Stuart Johnson has used it in passing to describe the ways in which Vienna Orientalists historically drew on the Orientalism of Venice to imagine and construct (“indirectly”) “the Orient.” In sum, there does not seem to be a settled, general way in which scholars use this term.

Sources & Examples: “Comparing the two seminal 9/11 films,” 2009; Foster, 2010; Karakoc, 2016; O’Neill, 2008; Reynolds, 2013.

See also: Covert Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Second-hand Orientalism.

Indo-Orientalism. See Indological Orientalism.

Indo-chic Orientalism. See Popular Orientalism.

Indological Orientalism

This term refers to Indology, which, historically, was the study of Indian languages, literature, history, and culture and was considered to be a branch of Orientalism. Scholars generally use this term to describe the ways in which Indology, especially in the 19th century, was a vessel for and even an expression of Saidian Orientalism (and ideological Orientalism) and was used as such to imagine and construct an India that was taken to be essentially different from the West. Many European Indologists, although not all by any means, constructed India as an essentially and irredeemably inferior, backward, and uncivilized nation especially in contrast to the West. However, others in the West and among Indian thinkers drew on Indology to imagine India as being essentially more spiritual than and thus superior to the materialistic West. And within India, Orientalist Indology has been used as a cultural and political tool to promote certain forms of nationalism; a small number of scholars, notably Jukka Jouhki, term this "indigenous" Indian version of Orientalism, Indo-Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Frykenberg, 2008; Geraghty, 2014; Girardot, 2002; Jouhki, 2006; King, 1999b; Saha, 2004.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Sinological Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Infantile Orientalism

This term and its synonym, childish Orientalism, are used more in the blogosphere than they are by scholars. Both are very rare even there but do show something of the way in which the notion of ideological Orientalism has been used beyond the pale of scholarship. These terms are generally used to point to what their users take to be immature, blatant, heedless, and unthinking Western prejudices against Arab/Muslim peoples and point to the socialization of ideological Orientalism in Western cultures.

Sources & Examples: Infantile: Shukrallah, 2012. Childish: Abdollmohammadi, 2013.

See also: Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Institutional Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in one of two closely related and overlapping ways. First, many scholars use it to encompass all of the academic and related institutions that have engaged in the study of the Orient, and they usually associate those institutions with ideological Orientalism. Second, other scholars use this term more broadly to encompass the whole complex of Orientalist beliefs, understandings, methodologies, theories, including academic institutions and writings.

Sources & Examples: Alcalay, 1993; Avelar, 2007; Al-‘Azm, 2000; Figueira, 2004; Lockman, 2004; Palmer, 2014; Sabih, 2015.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Intellectual Orientalism. See Academic Orientalism.

Inter-Arab Orientalism. See Arab Orientalism.

Internal Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually to describe the use of ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices directed at peoples who live in the same nation, territory, or society as the Orientalists, treating these Others as essentially alien or exotic and ideologically distant even though they are geographically close. These internal Others may be a region, a racial or ethnic minority, another sect within the same religious tradition, or a social class. Scholars also use other terms to describe internal Orientalism, including: deep Orientalism (Pollock), domestic Orientalism (Piterberg), nesting [nested] Orientalism (Bakic ́-Hayden), and more frequently and by many scholars, the first meaning of local Orientalism (e.g. Erdoğan).

Sources & Examples: Bakić-Hayden , 1995; Chun, 1993; Halbfass, 1997; Janssson, 2005; Jansson, 2003; Kumar, 2012; Marr, 2006; Mazel, 1996; Piterberg, 1996; Pollock, 1993; Schein, 1990; Yousman, 2003.

See also: External Orientalism, Indigenous Orientalism, Internalized Orientalism, Jewish Orientalism, Native Orientalism, Nesting Orientalism, Orientology, Regional Orientalism, Scandinavian Orientalism, Social Orientalism, Sub-Orientalism, Tribal Orientalism, Zionist Orientalism.

Internalized Orientalism

Coined by Geraldine Heng and Jandas Devan, this term is widely used by scholars to describe situations in which Orientalized Others accept the ways that they are portrayed by an ideological Orientalism as being the true, essential description of themselves. There is some difference among scholars as to how powerful this internalization of “the Orientalist gaze” actually is, some arguing that it is not as potent as it is often represented. As used by some scholars, the meaning of internalized Orientalism shades into or overlaps with internal Orientalism in situations where a governing elite uses it to determine the normative essence of what it means to be an acceptable member of its society. The elite, that is, uses an internalized Orientalism to exercise internal political and social control, especially over societies undergoing modernization.

Sources & Examples: Altun, 2011; Göknar, 2013; Heng & Devan, 1979; Kang, 2015; Leezenberg, 2011; Mora, 2009; Muhtaseb, 2015; Shu, 2004; Szurek, 2015; Vukovich, 2012.

See also: Epistemological Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Oriental Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Sinological Orientalism.

International Congress of Orientalists

Scholars describe the series of International Congresses of Orientalists that began in Paris in 1873 as playing a significant role in the development of academic Orientalism as a field of study (see the list of congresses, below). The goals of the congresses were to promote the spread of knowledge about the Orient by creating opportunities for scholarly interaction, promoting the sharing of research findings, stimulating discussions, building an international community of scholars, and advertising the findings and value of Orientalist studies more broadly. Earlier congresses focused primarily on philology and archaeology, but in later years both the scope of subjects included and peoples and cultures studied greatly expanded. The congresses also included exhibits and panoramas that sought to allow participants and visitors to experience “the Orient” directly, almost as tourists. They thus became quite elaborate, commercialized affairs that were closely allied with the European political establishment and received the patronage of European royalty. The political and the public/commercial nature of the congresses sparked controversy in the 1890s as Orientalist scholars sought to reduce non-academic influences and activities. This controversy led to separate congresses being held in 1892 and again in 1894. There was later a long break caused by World War I, and by the 1930s the congresses were beginning to wan in their significance, a development that accelerated after World War II. At the centennial congress held in Paris in 1973, participants debated the dissolution of the congress movement but finally decided to continue under a new name: the International Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North Africa, which in 1986 was changed to the International Congress for Asian and North African Studies. Scholars note that until after World War II the congresses were markedly Eurocentric and played a part in imagining and constructing Orientals as exotic, inferior colonial peoples. They were, that is, an important element in the history of Western ideological Orientalism as well as being closely identified with the expansion and maintenance of European colonialism.

International Congress of Orientalists: Paris, 1873 (1st); London, 1874 (2nd); St. Petersburg, 1876 (3rd); Florence, 1878 (4th); Berlin, 1881 (5th); Leiden, 1883 (6th); Vienna, 1886 (7th); Stockholm & Christiania, 1889 (8th); London [Statutory], 1891 and London, 1892 (9th); Madrid [Statutory], 1892 and Geneva, 1894 (10th); Paris, 1897 (11th); Rome, 1899 (12th); Hamburg, 1902 (13th); Algiers, 1905 (14th); Copenhagen, 1908 (15th); Athens, 1912 (16th); Oxford, 1928 (17th); Leiden, 1931 (18th); Rome, 1935 (19th); Brussels, 1938 (20th); Paris, 1948 (21st); Istanbul, 1951 (22nd); Cambridge, 1954 (23rd); Munich, 1957 (24th); Moscow, 1960 (25th); New Delhi, 1964 (26th); Ann Arbor, 1967 (27th); Canberra, 1971 (28th); Paris, 1973 (29th).

Sources & Examples: Fuchs, 2002; Lee & Wallterstein, 2004; Lewis, 1982; Servais, 2014; Tolz, 2008.

See also: Academic Orientalism, International Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

International Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in at least three distinct but interrelated ways all of which point to the global nature of Orientalism in all of its manifestations, as distinguished from the Orientalisms of individual cultures or nations. First, some scholars use this term to refer to the multi-national academic movement dedicated to the study of Orientalism, which emerged in the 19th century, including particularly the series of international Orientalist congresses, which began in Paris in 1873. Second, other scholars use this term to describe the multi-national nature of Orientalist aesthetic styles in various branches of the arts, such as painting and architecture, which again emerged in the 19th century. With respect to these first two usages, some scholars note that Edward W. Said’s book, Orientalism (1978), initiated an “international Orientalism debate” regarding the actual nature and content of academic Orientalism and aesthetic Orientalism. Third, other scholars use this term still more broadly and usually in passing to describe the global scope and influence of ideological Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Banerji, 2009; Girardot, 2002; Hinz & Kurz, 1996; Thomas, 2013 (2).

See also: Academic Orientalism, Aesthetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, International Congress of Orientalists, Saidian Orientalism.

Inverse Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in one of two ways. First, the large majority of scholars use it to describe Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices in which those who are the objects of Orientalist prejudices transform those prejudices into positive characteristics or values. This first usage is similar to particular usages of reverse Orientalism. Second, a few scholars use this term to describe discourses that unconsciously mimic Western Orientalist thinking while consciously rejecting things Western in favor of a positively valued, essential, and imagined East. Both of these usages transform the negative valuation of the Orient into a positive valuation of it. Other scholars use the term Inverted Orientalism instead of inverse Orientalism. The meaning of both terms is the same.

Sources & Examples: For Inverse Orientalism: Borup, 2004; Dusche, 2001; Hodder, 2005; Moeran, 1989; Quli, 2009. For Inverted Orientalism: Baviskar, 2006; Morimoto, 2011; Hirakawa, 1998; Zeller, 2011.

See also:Positive Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Secondary Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Inverted Orientalism. See Inverse Orientalism.

Irish Orientalism

Scholars use this term and the closely related term, Celtic Orientalism, to describe the ways in which Irish writers, composers, artists, academics, and others have drawn on and imagined the Orient as a resource for Irish culture and self-understanding especially since the 19th century. These uses of the Orient reflect Catholic Ireland’s unique situation as a European colony of a European colonial power, Britain. On the one hand, Irish Orientalists participated in the British colonial enterprise and in the usual ways in which British ideological Orientalists have imagined and constructed an essentially, timelessly, and irredeemably exotic and inferior Orient. On the other hand, other Irish figures, such as James Cousins (1873-1956), James Joyce (1882-1941) and W. B. Yeats (1865-1939) reflected a centuries old Irish tradition of drawing on the Orient in positive ways to imagine and understand Ireland’s own condition and identity as a subject nation under the rule of Britain. Among other things, Irish Orientalists have imagined Celtic Ireland as having its cultural and national origins in the East, for example as having a Phoenician heritage. Orientalism in this sense has been closely tied to Irish nationalism and the search for a unique, essential Irish national identity; Irish Orientalists, that is, see something of themselves in the Oriental colonial experience. Some scholars have noted that Irish Orientalists felt a particular affinity with India, which was also a British colony and one where many Irish served. Even in these cases, however, Irish Orientalists still have imagined and constructed an essential, timeless, unchanging Orient while identifying their national experience and identity to one degree or another with that Orient. Scholars, in sum, see Irish Orientalism as being a complex phenomenon marked historically by antipathy to the East (as being inferior), ambivalence toward it (as being like Us but still inferior), and enthusiasm for it as being an element in the essence of what it means to be Irish—yet still often tending to feel themselves ultimately superior to the Orient.

Sources & Examples: Bongiovanni, 2007; Cheng, 1996; Cox, 2013-2; Dillane & Noone, 2016; Ito, 2014; Lennon, 2000; Lennon, 2004; Ryder, 2006; Salma, 2012.

See also: Celtic Orientalism, Celticism, Ideological Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism.

Islamic Orientalism

Scholars use this term in at least three ways. First, Edward Said (1978) uses it to describe the academic field of Orientalism (academic Orientalism) that came into prominence in the later 19th and earlier 20th centuries, which he argues was devoted to imagining and constructing Islam as an inherently inferior, alien, and dangerous religion that failed to make the transition to a social science. Instead, it long continued to rely on a set of unthinking, anachronistic, essentializing, and dualistic myths about Islam, which myths it failed to treat critically. For Said, Bernard W. Lewis serves as the prototypical example of an Islamic Orientalist. Many other scholars follow Said in this usage, which is the most common and significant use of this term. Second, other scholars use this term more broadly to mean Saidian Orientalism (that is, negative ideological Orientalisms), and they link it to the first usage, above, by arguing that this broader usage reflects the influence Islamic Orientalism as an academic field of study exerted over writers, artists, politicians, social commentators, and Western societies generally. Influential segments of the Western world, that is, took their understanding of Islam from the academic Islamic Orientalists. Third and rarely, a few scholars use this term to describe Orientalist-like, essentializing Islamic thinking about other peoples and religions. It should be noted that scholars use this term exclusively to refer to Arab Muslims, and the terms Arab Orientalism, Arabic Orientalism, and Semitic Orientalism are often used as synonyms of this term.

Sources & Examples: Aydýn, 2005; Geeky Muslimah, 2017; Jaireth, 1995; Marr, 1997; Said & Grabar, 1982; Shah, 2017; Spaulding & Kapteijns, 1991; Stephenson & Ali, 2010.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Arab Orientalism, Arabic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Semitic Orientalism.


J

Jewish Orientalism

Scholars usually use this widely-used term in one of three contradictory ways. First, some scholars use it to describe what is also known as anti-Jewish Orientalism, that is the orientalization of all Jews, including European Jews, as being the alien, inferior Oriental Other of ideological Orientalism. Second, the great majority of scholars use this term to describe the complex relationship of European Jewish Orientalist scholars and Jewish Europeans generally to European Orientalism from the 18th century to the 1930s—during which time European Jews of various nations wrestled with their identity as being "Oriental" Europeans. Under the influence of Romantic Orientalism as well as ideological Orientalism, Jewish Orientalists both embraced and felt ambivalent about their assumed Oriental identity in a complex process that was both a form self-Orientalism and of counter-Orientalism directed against European anti-Semitic, ideological Orientalism. Jewish Orientalists in Europe often embraced Eastern Jews and Arabs as role models. Third, however, other scholars use this term to describe a form of Jewish internal Orientalism by which (often secular) Jews in Western Europe came to imagine the supposedly “mystical” and traditional Jews of Eastern Europe and the Middle East as being a backward, inferior Oriental-like Other. Jewish Orientalism, more generally, is understood to be the predecessor to and a source of Zionist Orientalism. Some scholars use the term Hebraic Orientalism and others the term Hebrew Orientalism to account for the same general phenomenon of the Jewish European encounter with both Romantic and ideological Orientalism. In all of this, scholars also sometimes use the notion of Jewish Orientalism to point to the complexities of the notion of Orientalism itself.

Sources & Examples: Baile, 2001; Bohlman, 2008; Friedman, 2014; Heschel, 2012; Kalmar, 1999; Kalmar & Penslar, 2005; Khazzoom, 2003; Peleg, 2005.

See also: Anti-Semitic Orientalism, Architectural Orientalism, Counter-Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Nazi Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Semitic Orientalism, Zionist Orientalism.

Journalistic Orientalism

This term is neither rare nor widely used and is often rendered as Orientalist Journalism. Scholars and representatives of the press generally use it to describe the ways in which members of the press, newspapers, and news agencies frame their reporting on non-Western—usually Arab and Muslim—peoples and stories in biased, prejudiced, and one-sided ways that imagine the subjects of their reporting to be, for example, violent, extremist, and even barbaric. Journalistic Orientalism suppresses indigenous sources, relying instead on Western “experts”. It is, in all of this, a form of ideological Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Gunaratne, 2015; "Incomprehensible," 2004; Nisbet, et.al., 2009.

See also: Ideological Orientalism.


K

Kantian Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the ways in which Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), a key figure in the European Enlightenment, and other philosophers influenced by him imagined and constructed the Orient through their philosophical writings. They note important similarities in his views with Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831), including the notion that history is progressive and European civilization is thus essentially superior to Asian peoples. Kant reflected the general attitudes of European society about Asian peoples, namely that they were essentially backward, sensuous, lacking in morality, lazy, and superstitious. He believed Orientals (like women) to be incapable of rational reflection and believed that they posed a threat to European rationality; they were trapped in a world of their own fantasies. Scholars disagree, however, as to Kant's views specifically on Islam, some arguing that he felt anxiety concerning it while other scholars argue that he had a more-or-less positive view of Islam for his time. In any event, his writings contain relatively few references to the Orient, which makes it difficult to explicate his views and their relationship to his overall philosophy. This term is not widely used, but scholars hold that Kant did have an impact on later European Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Ali, 2015; Almond, 2011; Battersby, 2007; Germana, 2017; Zammito, 1992.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Enlightenment Orientalism, Hegelian Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Philosophical Orientalism.

Kemalist Orientalism

A small group of scholars use this rarely used term to describe the appropriation by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's Turkish reform movement of the dualistic, essentializing attitudes, practices, and strategies of Saidian Orientalism to promote the modernization of Turkey. Those strategies included, for example, linguistic reforms that suppressed Arabic and Persians words and promoted the introduction of European terminology. They also impacted the place of women in Turkish society.

Sources & Examples: Ekinci, 2012; Kadıoğlu, 1994; Szurek, 2015.

See also: Anti-Orientalism, Architectural Orientalism, Inner Orientalism, Inverse Orientalism (2nd Meaning), Feminist Orientalism, Linguistic Orientalism, Local Orientalism, Mimetic Orientalism, Native Oriental (Contemporary usage), Oriental Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Vernacular Orientalism.


L

Late Capitalist Orientalism. See Capitalist Orientalism.

Latent Orientalism

This term is one of the most important concepts used by scholars for the study of Orientalism. It was introduced by Edward Said (1978) to describe some of his key insights into ideological Orientalism (Saidian Orientalism); and many other scholars have since drawn and elaborated on his use of this term, which they, following Said, juxtapose with manifest Orientalism. Latent Orientalism, thus, is the semi-subconscious, highly durable repertoire of prejudices, assumptions, stereotypes, ideas and concepts, myths and fantasies, images, attitudes, and emotions that (Western) Orientalists draw upon as a matter of habit and without further thought when they imagine and construct (Oriental) Others as being essentially and irredeemably inferior. This latent Orientalism is built around a dualistic worldview that assumes that the (Western) Self is intelligent, civilized, and displays masculine virtues (bravery, honesty) in contrast to the (Oriental) Other who is ignorant, uncivilized (barbaric, savage), and feminized. Latent Orientalism is, thus, a powerful “treasury” of Orientalist notions, which are made manifest through Orientalist literature, scholarship, art, and public media as well as various institutions and movements. Numerous scholars, furthermore, have written about latent Orientalism’s ethnocentric, racist, and sexist characteristics. Other scholars have pointed to the same basic phenomenon of latent Orientalism using such terms as hidden Orientalism and popular Orientalism. Quasi-Orientalism might also be considered a diluted expression of latent Orientalism found especially at the boundaries of ideological Orientalism. Latent Orientalism, in sum, is the “place” where the ideology of Orientalism resides comfortably at home and from which its faithful “gaze” upon the dark, dangerous, and yet enticing world to the East. [revised 7/17]

Sources & Examples: Bittersweet, 2003; Dryden, n.d.; Iverson, 1995; Jouhki, 2006; Lukens-Bull, 1999; Rebecca & Madeleine, 2008; Said, 1978; Stiebel, 2001; Yeğenoğlu, 1998.

See also: Contemporary Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Mainstream Orientalism, Manifest Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Quasi-Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Learned Orientalism

This term was fairly widely used in the 19th century especially with reference to a controversy concerning British government sponsored education in India that began with India’s first governor general, Warren Hastings (1732-1818). Beginning with Hasting’s tenure in the late 18th century and for several decades after, the British funded an educational system that promoted “learned Orientalism,” which was understood to be indigenous Indian systems of knowledge and instruction taught by Muslim and Hindu educators. Those systems soon came under fire from evangelical Christian critics who considered learned Orientalism to be based on false systems of knowledge that were a serious obstacle to the missionary enterprise in India. They specifically criticized learned Orientalism as being pantheistic, materialistic, and promoting “sensualism,” as well as claiming that it benefited only a small elite. “Orientalists” were, in sum, Indian educators and their Western supporters who promoted indigenous Indian knowledge and education. Since the publication of Edward Said’s book, Orientalism (1978), a few scholars have continued to use this term with reference to that 19th century controversy. It is only rarely used otherwise to describe historical indigenous “Oriental” systems of knowledge and instruction more generally. Those systems of learning can be classified as historical forms of academic Orientalism (also termed scholarly Orientalism).

Sources & Examples: 19th Century: Duff, 1851; “Education in India,” 1846; Pierson, 1896; Zastoupil & Moir, 1999. Modern: Bayly, 1996; Buskens & Dupret, 2015; Lai, 2014; Lardinois, 2017.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Christian Orientalism, Evangelical Orientalism.

Legal Orientalism

Scholars, drawing on the work of Edward W. Said, generally use this term to describe the ways in which legal systems are imagined and constructed as having essential, unchanging natures. As a rule, legal Orientalisms have been used comparatively to distinguish between the supposedly a-moral, unjust, and backward local legal systems of Asian nations with the rational, just, and progressive systems of the West. It is often used to assert that Western nations are essentially lawful and “Oriental” nations essentially lawless and thus historically presented as one more justification for Western colonialism. Nations such as the United States also call upon legal Orientalist prejudices to justify laws restricting Asian minorities. This term is fairly widely used especially in the wake of Teemu Ruskola’s book, Legal Orientalism (2013), which has received widespread attention. Scholars point out that, as often is the case with Orientalisms of various kinds especially in colonial settings, local Asian scholars, jurists, and others have often acquired Orientalist habits of mind in framing legal systems, including reforms, in their own nations. [revised 9/17]

Sources & Examples: Darian-Smith, 2013; Kayaoğlu, 2010; Kroncke, 2005; Lichtenstein, 2017; Lim, 2001; Ruskola, 2002; Ruskola, 2013; Sardar, 1999.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Indigenous Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Levantine Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in one of three ways. First, a very few use it in passing to refer to Levantinism, a form of cosmopolitan Orientalism identified with Jacqueline Kahanoff (1917-1979), an Egyptian-born Israeli writer and thinker who advocated a form of hybrid Orientalism that imagined a cosmopolitan fusion of Levantine cultures and societies. Second, in art, scholars use this term very occasionally to refer to the 19th century Romantic school of Orientalist art more generally known as “Orientalism”. This is a usage that carries over from the 19th and earlier 20th centuries themselves when some scholars used this term to refer to the “exotic” art forms of the eastern Mediterranean. Third, this term is very occasionally used more broadly and pejoratively to describe those who imagine and construct “the Levant” in the sense of ideological Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Hochberg, 2007; Myers, 1902; “Orientalist Painting (c. 1800-1890),” n.d.; Ohana, 2011; Sheller, 2008.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Cosmopolitan Orientalism, Hybrid Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Middle East Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Levantinism. See Levantine Orientalism.

Liberal Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually to describe the ways in which political and social liberals exhibit and engage in ideological Orientalist thinking and practices. It is less frequently referred to as progressive Orientalism. This term is used in one of three ways. First, some scholars use it to describe the ways in which liberal Orientalists continue to harbor Orientalist prejudices against non-Western Others, particularly Arabs and Muslims. Second, Other scholars use it to describe the ways in which Western liberal Orientalists engage in a form of reverse Orientalism that sees “the East” as the hope for curing the ills of “the West.” Third and more rarely, this term is used by a few scholars to describe the opposite of ideological Orientalism, that is as a way of seeing the Other that does not essentialize them.

Sources & Examples: Alami, 2009; Bash, 2012; Elahi, 2007; Maira, 2008; Salaita, 2010.

See also: Reverse Orientalism.

Limited Orientalism

Kristin L. Hoganson coined this rarely used term to describe a late 19th—early 20th centuries fashion trend by which American women wore clothing that in minor ("limited") ways exhibited “Oriental” themes or influences.

Sources & Examples: Coo, 2014; Hoganson, 2007.

See also: Cultural Orientalism, Sartorial Orientalism.

Linguistic Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe the application of ideological Orientalism through the use of language, which is understood to be a central element of culture and identity. Linguistic Orientalism, historically, has been embodied in the Western colonial suppression of indigenous languages as languages of education, commerce, and government; but it occurs any time that one language is used as a tool to dominate, suppress, and even eradicate a supposedly inferior language.

Sources & Examples: Genna Burrows, 2016; Mugane, 2005; Mugane, 2006; Persichetti, 2015.

See also: Cultural Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Literary Orientalism

This term, most broadly constructed, refers to the various ways and means by which Western literature draws on ideas, themes, stories, and literary devices from the Orient. Since Edward Said’s book, Orientalism (1978), scholars have more narrowly used this term to focus on the uses Western literature makes of the East in light of Said’s critique of Western Orientalism. Scholars continue to debate the meaning of “literary Orientalism,” specifically whether or not it should have a more positive meaning recognizing that many Orientalist writers have historically had an enthusiasm for Asia and even seen it as superior to the West. In any event, scholars generally assume that Orientalist literary discourses are marked by a tendency to imagine that the Orient has an essential nature. They also widely recognize that literary Orientalism reached its full fruition in the 19th century when it was a constituent element of Romanticism.

Sources & Examples: Al-Bazei, 1983; Al-Dabbagh, 2010; Lennon, 2004; Qian, 1995; Sultana, 1989; Ward, 2004.

See also: Artificial Orientalism, Desert Orientalism, Enlightenment Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Gothic Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Male Orientalism, Orientalist Exotica, Orientalist Exoticism, Poetic Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Local Orientalism

Scholars generally use this fairly often used term in one of at least three ways all of which describe the ways in which (Oriental) Others are imagined and constructed to be essentially different from one’s Self. First, scholars use this term to describe the ways in which a dominant national culture (as distinct from an international setting, hence “local”) or regional culture (as distinct from the whole nation, again hence “local”) stereotype a minority group. In most cases, the “local” Other is imagined and constructed as being essentially and irredeemably inferior. Second, scholars also use this term to describe the ways in which particular localities use supposedly “Oriental” styles of architecture and decorations to create an Oriental ethos. Chinatowns in Western cities—such as the one in London (illustrated here)—are examples. In this same way, scholars also use this term to describe the ways in which people living in particular localities in Western nations appropriate Oriental styles of such things as dress or entertainment, which distinguish them from neighboring cities or regions so that these “Orientalisms” become truly local. Third, scholars also use this term to describe the work of Asian artists who draw on local Asian cultural styles, which are termed, “Orientalisms”. In all of these usages, scholars most frequently use the notion of local Orientalism studies of British Colonial Palestine, Israel, and the Ottoman Empire to describe the ways in which the governments of those states have imagined and constructed various minority groups or in the case of the Ottoman Empire also its general population as being backward and in need of civilizing. Much less frequently, some scholars use the term, localized Orientalism, in the same ways as described above, the only difference being that they tend to use it more broadly to refer to local Orientalisms in various Asian nations outside of the Middle East, such as especially China and India. [revised 3/18]

Sources & Examples: Archer & Francis, 2007; Chu, 2013; Erdoğan, 2015; Frank, 2014; Kontje, 2013; Lipis, 2011; Norris, 2009; Rozin, 2016; Seter, 2006; Tsitseliskis, 2013.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Architectural Orientalism,Exotic Orientalism, Frontier Orientalism, Geographical Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Kemalist, Micro-Orientalism, Orientalist Exotica, Orientalist Exoticism, Popular Orientalism, Regional Orientlaism, Self-Orientalism, Tribal Orientalism.

Localized Orientalism. See Local Orientalism.


M

Magical Orientalism

This term is used in the artistic fields of design, music, and literature to describe a style that represents the East as an exotic, mystical, mysterious, colorful, and even fantastical Other. Very rarely, scholars use it to refer to the practice of magic in Asia, linking it to the occult and spiritual.

Sources & Examples: Ahmedi, 2002; Cohen-Vrignaud, 2015; Goto-Jones, 2016.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Occult Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Mainstream Orientalism

This term and the term, Orientalist mainstream, are used by scholars to describe what are assumed to be the standard, generally accepted, and conventional ideological stereotypes held by Orientalists in a given time and place. In 19th century Western Europe, for example, academic Orientalism is considered to represent the mainstream of Orientalist thinking. Scholars often associate mainstream Orientalism with ideological Orientalism more broadly or, more narrowly, with Edward W. Said’s description of ideological Orientalism, that is Saidian Orientalism. As a rule, then, mainstream Orientalists imagine and construct the Orient as having an exotic, essential, timeless, and a-rational nature. A few scholars also identify mainstream Orientalism with the Orientalist gaze directed invasively at an (Oriental) Other. And in rare instances a very few scholars consider Said himself to represent contemporary conventional, mainstream academic thinking about the subject of Orientalism. These two terms are fairly frequently used.

Sources & Examples: Banerji, 2013; Bayat, 2010; Lewis, 1994; Robinson, 2014; Varisco, 2007.

See also: Contemporary Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Latent Orientalism, Orientalist Gaze, Saidian Orientalism.

Male Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in one of two ways. First Edward Said in his book, Orientalism (1978), appears to have been the first scholar to use it, identifying it with latent Orientalism. He considered it to be a fundamentally static and fixed masculine worldview that privileges white males, objectifies and shows contempt and fear of Oriental males, and imagines Oriental women to be objects of male fantasies, highly sensual, intellectually inferior, and sexually available. Said notes that the field of academic Orientalism was historically exclusively a white male domain. While a few scholars use this term similarly to Said, most prefer the term, masculine Orientalism, using it in much the same way. Second, scholars now most often this term in the context of feminist studies, including most specifically studies of the writings of 19th century European women travellers in the Orient, especially the Middle East. Elisabeth Oxfeldt has noted that feminist studies of male Orientalism generally fall into two camps. One group of scholars have produced “counter discourses” that challenge the dominant ideology of male Orientalism while the other group has more-or-less fallen in line with that ideology if unwittingly. This term is neither rarely nor widely used. [revised 3/18]

Sources & Examples: Behdad, 1994; Clifford, 2001; Das, 2014; Haensch, 2017; Kimiko, 2009; Mills, 1991; Oxfeldt, 2010; Said, 1978; Spurlin, 2009; Thomas, 2010; Zayzafoon, 2005.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Feminist Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Latent Orientalism, Literary Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Manichean Orientalism. See Binary Orientalism.

Manifest Orientalism

Edward Said used this term in his book, Orientalism (1978), to describe the scholarly tradition of the study of Oriental societies, languages, literatures, arts, and cultures in general—which tradition he considered to be ideological, prejudiced, and dualistic. Manifest Orientalism is thus ideological Orientalism made manifest in the body of work, including methodologies, of Orientalist scholars. As such, Said distinguished it from latent Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Jouhki, 2006; Said, 1978; Stiebel, 2001.

See also: Latent Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Maritime Orientalism

Jonathan Scott coined this term, which is also used by a few other scholars usually citing him as their source. He uses it to describe the ways in which early modern British maritime Orientalists imagined and constructed Britain’s identity as an island nation in contrast to the nations and peoples of Asia and of continental Europe. Reflecting a form of geographical Orientalism, they believed that Britain benefitted both from its insularity as an island and from it temperate climate, which explained why it was progressive, civilized, dynamic, and superior to continental European nations and peoples. They believed, furthermore, that these same factors explained why Orientals were essentially backward, sensuous, and given to despotism. According to Scott, British maritime Orientalists imagined themselves to be the heirs of the great sea peoples of the ancient world including, most especially, the Athenians. [revised 3/18]

Sources & Examples: Armitage, 2013; Scott, 2011; Warren, 2015.

See also: Ancient Orientalism, Geographical Orientalism, Greek Orientalism (Ancient), Ideological Orientalism.

Marxist Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe the ways in which ideological Marxists have imagined and constructed “Orientals” as being essentially different from the West, either negatively or positively. An important segment of the literature regarding this term is devoted to the controversy over the degree to which Karl Marx (1818-1883)—including his views on the “Asian Mode of Production”—was or was not an ideological Orientalist. Edward Said (1978) and other scholars since have argued that Marx was a typical European Orientalist who believed that Asians are essentially less advanced than Europeans and need European help to escape their plight. Other scholars, especially Marxist writers, claim that the analyses of Said and other critics of Marx are superficial and one-sided; they fail, for example, to see that he rejected essentialism and opposed European colonialism as degrading rather than uplifting. More largely, scholars argue that in various times and places European Marxists have treated Asians as being essentially backward in comparison to Europe, especially economically, and unable to lift themselves to the level of European civilization. These Marxists have imagined and constructed Asia as being trapped in an earlier stage in human development, and they have believed that the working classes in the West are more dynamic than those in Asia. At other times, however, other Marxist Orientalists have articulated a more positive Orientalism that has embraced Asians. They have, for example, displayed an almost naïve enthusiasm for Mao’s China, praised the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi (1869-1948), and seen Asians as providing models to be followed in the West. These Marxist Orientalists have supported Asian freedom movements, resisted Eurocentrism, and understood that Asian workers can create their own futures. In sum, Marxist Orientalism presents very much of a mixed picture. Students of Marxist Orientalism have devoted a great deal of attention to Soviet Orientalism. This term is also occasionally referred to as Orientalist Marxism. [revised 6/18]

Sources & Examples: Abdel-Malek, 1963; Cioflâncă, 2010; Gran, 1980; Hammami & Rieker, 1988; Kumar, 2014; Manjapra, 2014; Sadecka, 2016; Said, 1978; Sunar, 2014; Tlostanova, 2010; Turner, 1978.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Materialist Orientalism, Orientology, Positive Orientalism, Russian Orientalism, Socialist Orientalism, Soviet Orientalism.

Market Orientalism. See Economic Orientalism.

Masculine Orientalism. See Male Orientalism.

Masked Orientalism. See Hidden Orientalism.

Material Orientalism. See Materialist Orientalism.

Materialist Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term, also called material Orientalism, in two distinct ways. First, some scholars argue that materialist Orientalisms encompass all of those Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices rooted in materialistic analyses of “Oriental” nations. They are opposed to ideal Orientalisms, which are understood to be the form of ideological Orientalism critiqued by Edward Said. Scholars generally identify materialist Orientalisms with Marxism, but it can be argued that in theory other forms of materialistic discourses can also be included. Those who use the term in this first way deny that materialist Orientalisms misrepresent the Orient. They are, instead, held to be the opposite of ideological Orientalism and critique and correct Orientalist prejudices. Second, scholars also use this term more narrowly as a synonym for Marxist Orientalism. In this case, scholars argue that Marxist Orientalisms exhibit to one degree or another various strains of ideological Orientalist prejudices.

Sources & Examples: Bhadra, 1986; Colas, 2016; Colas & Lawson, 2010.

See also: Ideal Orientalism, Marxist Orientalism, Socialist Orientalism.

Maussian Orientalism. See Anthropological Orientalism.

Medical Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in two distinct, related ways. First and most often, scholars use it to describe situations in which Western medicine is held to be superior to the medical practices and institutions of an Other, usually an Oriental Other. “Oriental” medicine is thus seen as superstitious, backward, and unscientific. Edward Said is often cited as the source for this first usage. Second, Aull & Lewis use this term to describe the entire complex of American medical practices and institutions, which they see as imagining and treating patients and even medical practitioners themselves as essentially inferior and ignorant Others.

Sources & Examples: Aggarwal, 2015; Amster, 2013; Aull & Lewis, 2013; Bivins, 2000; Promitzer, 2010.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Institutional Orientalism.

Medieval Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe medieval European attitudes toward foreign Others (not necessarily Asian), which appear to be related to the ideological Orientalism of later centuries. There is, however, considerable debate among scholars concerning how the realities of medieval thinking are similar and/or dissimilar to later Orientalism, especially concerning the relationship of medieval Orientalism to Orientalism in the 18th and 19th centuries. Most scholars do agree that the views of Edward Said and others concerning ideological Orientalism must be adapted to the medieval worldview particularly regarding such things as geographical distinctions, gender, and especially religion.

Sources & Examples: Akbari, 2006; Beckett, 2003; Harney, 2015, Heffernan, 2003; Jacob, 2011; Schibanoff, 2002.

See also: Early Orientalism, Emergent Orientalism, Mythic Orientalism, Renaissance Orientalism, Mythic Orientalism, Nascent Orientalism, Proto-Orientalism.

Meridionism

Scholars use this term, coined by Manfred Pfister, to describe ways in which Northern Europeans historically have imagined and framed Southern Europeans as being essentially inferior in ways that are polar opposites to the North. Pfister first used it to describe the ways in which 18th century British travellers imagined an exotic, backward Italy. He and some others argue that Meridionism is not a form of Orientalism because: (1) it has not been as intensely destructive of the imagined Other as is Saidian Orientalism; (2) it was not based on colonization of the South; and (3) the Southern nations also impacted the Northern nations’ self-understanding. Scholars more generally, however, point to so many parallels between the two in the ways that the Other is framed as being essentially inferior that, in practice, Meridionism is a form of internal Orientalism and ideological Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Cazzato 2016; Forlenza & Thomassen, 2016; Pfister, 1996; Schoina, 2016.

See also: Internal Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Quasi-Orientalism.

Meta-Orientalism

This term has been used in one of two ways. First, Mahmoud Manzalaoui used it in his 1980 review of Edward Said’s book, Orientalism (1978), to describe Said’s understanding of Orientalism as itself being a distorted form of Orientalism that exhibits some of the faults he criticizes in others. Second and more recently, Scholars use this term to describe a class of more contemporary Orientalist literature and art that is to a degree self-consciously Orientalist. This form of Orientalism often both critiques and displays ideological Orientalist themes, again self-consiclously, so that in a sense it stands outside of or beyond the usual confines of stereotypical, essentializing Orientalism yet also remains tied to that Orientalism. This term is not quite rare but also not widely used.

Sources & Examples: Brouillette, 2011; Leone, 2016; Manzalaoui, 1980; Parker, 2005; Tatsumi, 2006.

Methodological Orientalism

This is a seldom-used term that is mostly used in passing. Scholars who do use it normally use it to describe the application of somewhat covert ways of ideological Orientalist thinking and/or the principles of ideological Orientalism as distinct from overt sets of prejudices that result from such thinking. Thus one can reject a form of Orientalism while still practicing methods of dualistic, essentializing Orientalist thinking.

Sources & Examples: Lewis & Sousa, 2015-2016; Prentice, 2013; Sadowski, 2006.

See also: Covert Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Micro-Orientalism

Scholars use this rarely used term generally in one of two ways. First and most often cited, Carina Ren and Can-Seng Ooi have used it to describe the presence and communication of ideological Orientalist discourses and practices in particular international or intercultural events, such as exhibits at World Fairs. In these situations, one's own nation or culture is imagined as the superior Self to another nation or culture, the inferior Other. Second, Vassant Kaiwar has used this term more broadly to describe ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices in local situations, such as a local Indian community.

Sources & Examples: Kaiwar, 2010; Ren & Ooi, 2013; So-Yeon & Dong-Eon.

See also: Cultural Orientalism, Economic Orientalism, Franchised Orientalism, Local Orientalism, Tourist Orientalism.

Middlebrow Orientalism

Scholars use this rarely used term generally in one of two ways. First, Mari Yoshira has used it to describe the role white American women have played in the consumption of Asian goods to explore their own identities as women. Second, Christina Klein has used it to describe conventional American attitudes regarding Asia during the era of the Cold War, which attitudes were sentimental, friendly toward Asia, and yet affirmed American superiority.

Sources & Examples: Klein, 2003; Yoshihara, 2003.

See also: Cold War Orientalism, Commercial Orientalism, Feminist Orientalism, Positive Orientalism.

Middle East Orientalism

Scholars normally use this term in two closely related ways. First, sometimes they use it more narrowly to describe the ways in which Western Orientalists imagine and construct specifically the peoples of the geographical-cultural region of the “Middle East” as opposed to those living in South, Southeast, or East Asia. Second, at other times scholars use this term to refer more broadly to Arabs generally. This term is almost invariably used in passing, almost off-handedly, and it can be difficult to discern which usage is intended. Scholars use it to describe various forms of Orientalism, but it seems to be used more often in reference to the arts, literature, and culture.

Sources & Examples: Heehs, 2003; Lyne, 2005.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Levantine Orientalism.

Military Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe the ways in which the activities of war mediate and influence Orientalist prejudices. The West thus imagines the East and its warriors to be dangerous militarily because of their exotic, barbaric ways of waging battle. Scholars argue that Western Orientalist prejudices influence the way in which Western armies actually go to war against Asian nations. This term can be extended to include other “exotic” but non-Asian enemies, such as for example the American Indians or the German armies of World War I, which were imagined as the “Huns”.

Sources & Examples: Barkawi & Stanski, 2012; Isakhan, 2010; Kumar, 2012; Porter, 2009.

See also: Cultural Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Nuclear Orientalism.

Mimetic Orientalism

A small number of scholars use this seldom-used term generally in passing and without definition or explanation, but apparently to mean simply a form of reverse Orientalism by which “Orientals” imitate (mimic) ideological Orientalist ideas and strategies to create a counter-narrative for their own purposes, such as to promote Western-like modernization. Kemalist Orientalism, for example, may be considered as a form of mimetic Orientalism. Usage of this term may draw on or, at least, reflect the “mimetic theory” of René Girard (1923-2015), also known as “mimetic realism.”

Sources & Examples: Szurek, 2015; Anna May Wong, 2010.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Kemalist Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism (First Meaning).

Missionary Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to describe the Orientalist discourses of Western Christian missionaries, especially Evangelical Protestant missionaries including especially those working in and/or writing about Asia. In general, the goal of missionary Orientalist discourses was to convert “the heathen” to Christianity, and missionary Orientalism was thus based more on a Christian-heathen than East-West dualism. This form of Orientalist discourse is considered unique because its focus is on religious influence rather than secular power and on “saving” the Other rather than colonizing them in the full sense of the term. Like other Orientalist discourses, however, missionary Orientalists engage in stereotyping an inferior, alien Other. Historically, there has been a class of missionary-scholars who engaged in more formal, academic Orientalist discourse.

Sources & Examples: App, 2009; Gill, 2010; Vaitheespara, 1999; Ravindiran (2000); Swain, 1995; Wang, 2008.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Biblical Orientalism, Christian Orientalism, Constructive Orientalism, Evangelical Orientalism, Religious Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Sinological Orientalism, Theological Orientalism.

Modern Orientalism

This term is widely used usually in one of three ways. First, scholars very often use it simply (and frequently without clear definition) to mean “up to date Orientalism,” the Orientalism of the present. Second and also very often, they use it to mean Western ideological Orientalism that in other contexts is also known as traditional Orientalism. It is, that is, Saidian Orientalism, the form of Orientalism described by Edward Said in his book, Orientalism (1978). For him, modern Orientalism began in late 18th century Europe, although it had its roots in earlier periods; and it was closely associated with certain European historical developments including: (1) a rise in secularity; (2) increased awareness of Asia; (3) colonial expansion; and (4) the growth and development of scholarly fields devoted to the study of the East. For many scholars, in sum, modern Orientalism means Saidian Orientalism. Third, however, other scholars question the accuracy, utility, and fairness of Said’s depiction of modern Orientalism and offer their own defining characteristics, genealogies, dates, key personalities, and significant events for modern Orientalism; and they often argue for a more positive, benign description of the phenomenon itself. Some argue, for example, that Said’s notion of modern Orientalism is too all encompassing and one-sided; and others disagree with his emphasis on secularism, arguing for the continued significance of religion in modern Orientalism. This term is not to be confused with the related term, modernist Orientalism, and it must also be distinguished from the still more closely related term, early modern Orientalism. [revised 6/17]

Sources & Examples: App, 2009; App, 2010; Chagnon, 2014; Haldrup, et.al., 2006; Huland, 2016; Lianeri, 2007; Pick, 2012; Ray, 2007; Said, 1978; Sardar, 1999; Swamy, 2013; Twiggs, 2006; Varisco, 2007.

See also: Contemporary Orientalism, Early Modern Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Modernist Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Secular Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Modernist Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe a phase in the development of Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices that is marked by a transition from classical ideological Orientalism to less monolithic, more ambivalent, and less domineering forms of Orientalism. Those discourses reflect the scholarly understanding of modernism itself as a broad set of cultural movements responding to the changing, shifting nature of so-called modern life. Modernist Orientalism is thus a boundary concept with roots in classical Orientalism, which thus manifests itself to a lesser or greater extent in a variety of modernist Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices. This term is to be distinguished from the related term, modern Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Bush, 2008; Kern, 1996; Normand, 2007; Qian, 2003; Singleton, 2010, Volait, 2015; Yao, 2009.

See also: Classical Orientalism, Contemporary Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Modern Orientalism, New Age Orientalism.

Musical Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in one of two ways. First, they use it to describe Western musical conventions, styles, and devices that sound exotic and mysterious and are thought to represent the exotic Other, usually although not necessarily an Oriental Other, even though they do not originate in the culture of those so represented. Second, this term is also used to describe the commercialization and exploitation of indigenous (“Oriental”) music by the music industry of another society, usually Western.

Sources & Examples: Pennanen, 2008; Scott, 1998; Scott, 2003.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Artificial Orientalism, Commercial Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Operatic Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Theatrical Orientalism.

Muslim Orientalism

This term is used by scholars usually to describe the Orientalist-like attitudes and prejudices that historically Arab Muslims have in some cases held toward other, “mysterious” peoples and cultures, usually those of India and East Asia. This term is used infrequently, is not usually applied to modern day Islam, is not considered a form of ideological Orientalism, and is thus not related to Edward Said's use of the term Islamic Orientalism

Sources & Examples: Elverskog, 2010; Hammer, 2012; Hermes, 2013.

See also: Islamic Orientalism.

Mythic Orientalism

Scholars use this seldom-used term generally in one of two ways. First, in most cases, they use it as yet another way to refer to ideological Orientalism, in this sense considering it to be a false ideology (a"myth"). Second, Michael Harney has used this term to describe the relationship of medieval European stories about mythic races to medieval Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Casper, 2007; Harney, 2015; Moïnfar, 2010.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Medieval Orientalism.


N

Naïve Orientalism

A few scholars have used this term to describe superficial ideological Orientalist discourses and practices that blatantly stereotype an inferior, alien Other.

Sources & Examples: Saada, 2003; San Jaun, 2002.

See also: Ideological Orientalism.

Nascent Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the pre-history and origins of ideological Orientalism synonymously with the term proto-Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Gunter, 2009; MIrkovic, 2005; Peernaimodin, 2002.

See also: Early Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Nationalist Orientalism, Proto-Orientalism.

Nationalist Orientalism

Scholars use this term normally in one of three distinct ways. First, they use it broadly to mean ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices by members of one nation and culture—usually European—directed toward another nation and its culture, particularly within Europe. Second, scholars more frequently and more specifically follow Peter Heehs, who has used this term to describe the discourses of a colonized Other that reverses the Orientalist “gaze” by treating the colonizer as an inferior, essential Other. Third, scholars less frequently use this term to describe a form of reverse Orientalism by which Orientalist discourses imagine one’s own nation and culture as having an essential identity.

Sources & Examples: Aiken, 2001; Conversi, 2000; Heehs, 2003; Melegh, Attila, 2004.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Reactionary Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Second Order Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Nationalistic Orientalism. See Nationalist Orientalism.

Native Orientalism (19th Century usage)

In the 19th century and early 20th century, Orientalist scholars and other writers generally used this term to describe the exotic “Oriental” character of Eastern individuals or peoples living in Asia or somehow connected with Asia. They imagined "natives" to be inferior and defective, and use of the term was often associated with heathenism and superstition. It tended to emphasize that native Orientalism was something inborn that resisted change.

Sources & Examples: Beardslee, 1892; Wilson, 1891.

See also: Classical Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Religious Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Native Orientalism (Contemporary usage)

Scholars use this term usually in one of two ways. First, the majority of scholars use it to describe the ways in which “Oriental” peoples (“natives”), especially social and political elites, self-identify themselves with the categories of Orientalism, usually ideological Orientalism. Native Orientalists imagine and construct themselves as having, that is, an essential, timeless identity in contrast with the West that may include such things as being essentially spiritual or inherently backward. At times native Orientalists will use these categories negatively to imagine and construct another “native” people, such as those of another ethnicity or social class, as being the essentially, irremediably inferior Other. The nesting Orientalisms of the Balkans and Kemalist Orientalism of Turkey are examples of native Orientalisms Second, a few scholars use this term in a more positive way to describe how contemporary Westernized elites including academics seek to reconnect imaginatively with and even produce an Eastern heritage for themselves, treating that heritage as having an essential nature that needs to be recreated. This second usage is a form of self-orientalism. This term and the term Indigenous Orientalism both apply to virtually the same phenomenon and are used largely in the same ways.

Sources & Examples: Alam, 2012; Çarmikli, 2011; da Silva, 2016; Houston, 2001; Leerssen, 2001; Po’dar & Subba, 1991; Rezk, 2016; Yan, 2011.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Indigenous Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Kemalist Orientalism, Nesting Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Natural Orientalism

This term is seldom used. It originated in the 19th century and has been generally used since then, largely in passing, to describe certain traits, characteristics, or dispositions that are constructed as being inherently (naturally) “Oriental”. These traits, real or imagined, are thought to be found in Oriental cultures or in persons who are said to inherently (naturally) exhibit them as a part of their personal nature. Very rarely, a scholar will suggest that these traits occur "naturally" in the real world and thus are not the imaginary products of ideological Orientalism. On the other hand, this term is sometimes used ideologically to describe Orientals as being naturally passive, emotional, exotic, and so forth. [revised 9/17]

Sources & Examples: Babyak, 2014; Baker, 1934; Miller, 2010; Morell, 1854; Prus, 1852; Sethna, 1981.

See also: Ideological Orientalism.

Nazi Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the ways in which the Nazi (National Socialist German Workers' Party) movement in Germany articulated a racist, anti-Semitic, and sexist ideological Orientalism, drawn partly from 19th century Romanticism, which it imposed on German Oriental studies when it came to power in 1934. Nazi Orientalists, on the one hand, were deeply interested in South Asian religions and spirituality, associating them with the purity of the Aryan race; and, on the other hand, they imagined Arabs and other Asians in the same way as did European Orientalists more generally, that is as inferior, backward, and even dangerous. They especially constructed the Oriental Other as being feminine-like and thus supposedly passive, enticing, and decadent. A few scholars apply this term to Nazi sympathizers and collaborators in other nations during the 1930s and 1940s and to later neo-Nazi movements. And occasionally scholars use this term interchangeably with the term, fascist Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Bennett, 2014; Hübinette, 2007; Kurlander, 2014; Marchand, 2007.

See also: Anti-Semitic, Fascist Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Negative Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally in one of two ways. First, they use it as a synonym for ideological Orientalism, directly linking it with the work of Edward Said. The term is thus often paired with positive Orientalism, or, affirmative Orientalism. Other scholars use the term pejorative Orientalism instead, with the same meaning. Second and rarely, a scholar will use this term to mean positive Orientalism on the premise that negative Orientalist discourses and practices re-imagine or reinvent ("negate") ideological Orientalism in positive ways.

Sources & Examples: Akilli, 2013; Gier, 2000; Kowal, 2008; Versluis, 1993; Yu, 2008.

See also: Positive Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Neo-Latin Orientalism

Michal Friedman translates this term from Spanish. It was apparently invented by Francisco Commelerán y Gómez (1848-1919), a Spanish scholar, who used it in his arguments against Arab and Jewish influences on Spanish culture.

Sources & Examples: Friedman, 2012.

See also: Ideological Orientalism.

Neoliberal Orientalism

Some scholars use this rarely used term to describe ideological Orientalist discourses embedded in the international "neoliberal" social, political, and economic policies of Western nations and institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Overtly, they are taken to be benevolent policies promoting privatization and free trade, but covertly they mask a form of colonial-like control of “developing” nations.

Sources & Examples: Ellman-Golan, 2014; Kim, 2006.

See also: Economic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Neo-Orientalism. See New Orientalism.

Neoromantic (Neo-romantic) Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to describe a resurgence of classical Orientalist interest in the Orient, especially its supposed wisdom and spirituality, which took place beginning in the late 19th century in parts of Europe and flourished particularly in Germany after World War I. Neoromantic Orientalist discourses and practices viewed the Orient generally favorably, even seeing it as a source of hope for a drifting, spiritually deficient Europe. Even so, the Orient was still imagined as being essentially Other.

Sources & Examples: Huss, 2013; Marchand, 2013; Marchand, 2014; Rosenstock & Shen, 2014.

See also: Positive Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Neo-Victorian Orientalism

Scholars use this very rarely used term and the still rarer related term, post-Victorian Orientalism to describe the ways in which themes concerning an Oriental Other from the Victorian era of the 19th century are reimagined in modern-day literature and films.

Sources & Examples: Ho, 2012; Kohlkw, 2008.

See also: Victorian Orientalism.

Nesting [Nested] Orientalism

This term was originally introduced by Milica Bakić-Hayden in 1992 and has been widely used by other scholars, mostly writing about Eastern Europe and especially the Balkans, to describe a form of ideological Orientalism that is also a form of both European internal Orientalism and reverse Orientalism. Nesting orientalism occurs when Europeans living geographically to the west imagine and construct peoples living further east as being essentially the alien, inferior, backward, and even violent (Oriental) Others while at the same time seeing themselves as being essentially civilized "like" Western Europe. This process of self- and other-identification is duplicated regionally moving eastward so that Orientalisms are embedded, or "nested," within other Orientalisms. Asia stands as the ultimate Oriental Other. This term is also very infrequently applied to the relationships between other groups within a nation or culture, such as seeing urban peoples as being “more civilized” than rural people.

Sources & Examples: Bakić-Hayden, 1995; Henig, 2011; Kuus, 2004; Sulstarova, 2012; Waldhuber, 2013.

See also: Double Orientalism, Frontier Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Indigenous Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Native Oriental (Contemporary usage), Peripheral Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Neuro-orientalism

This is an extremely rare term, apparently coined by Dylan Lott, that is associated with the field of “neuroanthropology,” a field that relates the findings of the neurosciences to cultural anthropology and biological anthropology. A very few scholars use this term to describe a tendency among researchers in neuroanthropology to rely on “unnuanced and overly romanticized generalizations of peoples and cultures in order to facilitate research interpretation.” (Lott, 2012).

Sources & Examples: Lott, 2012.

See also: Acadmeic Orientalism.

New Age Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to describe American ideological Orientalist discourses dating from the 1970s, which overtly treat Asian nations in glowing terms while covertly retaining attitudes of Orientalist prejudice. Nations such as Tibet and India are idealized as deeply spiritual, holy, and timeless, but also as being powerless and in need of American/Western rescue. These discourses are found in films, literature, New Age sciences, psychologies, and medical practices. They are generally dualistic and attribute essences to Asia and to the West that have little to do with the reality of Asian or Western peoples’ lives. New Age discourses also continue to portray Asia as exotic.

Sources & Examples: Hess, 1993; Lopez, 1994; Mullen, 1998; Prashad, 2000.

See also: Hidden Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Medical Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Pulp Orientalism, Techno-Orientalism.

New Orientalism

Scholars use this term in at least three different ways. First and most often, many scholars use this term and its less-often used synonym, neo-Orientalism, to describe what they understand to be recent ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices that focus particularly on Islam and the Muslim Middle East. They are “new” in that they vilify Islam while no longer seeing it as “exotic” or alluring. Some date these changes from the 1980s, others to the aftermath of 9/11. These discourses are used to justify military, diplomatic, economic, and other actions against Islamic nations again especially in the Middle East and North Africa. They assert the superiority of the West and often promote the idea that Islam and the West are engaged in a “clash of civilizations” between the civilized West and barbaric East. According to a number of scholars, however, new Orientalism theory tries to disguise its continued antipathy to Middle Eastern Islam and Arabs by overtly portraying “good Arabs” and “good Muslims”—especially in films and literature—in a supposedly tolerant, positive light that, in fact, only reinforces the fundamental dualism of Orientalist stereotyping. It does this by using “indigenous” figures and voices to highlight the differences between “acceptable” Muslims and Arabs and all the rest of Them. Second and much less often, some scholars use this term to describe certain literary developments in the later 18th century. Third, in the art world, Tim Yip (Timmy Yip kamtim), the Chinese art fashion designer, uses this term to describe the ways in which he seeks to undermine Saidian Orientalism by melding and blending Asian and Western artistic themes in ways that undermine Orientalism’s otherwise rigid dualistic boundaries between them. The result is his “new” Orientalism. [revised 3/18]

Sources & Examples: 1st usage: Alam, 2006, Amin-Khan, 2012, Burke III, 1998; Crooke, 2016, Kumar, 2012; Sadowski, 1993; Shivani, 2006; Spivak, 1993; Taustad, 2003. 2nd usage: Binhammer, 2014; Mufti, 2010. Third usage: Yang, 2012; Yuchen, 2016.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Modern Orientalism, Old Orientalism, Resurgent Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Sociological Orientalism.

New Orientalism Theory. See New Orientalism.

Nordic Orientalism. See Scandinavian Orientalism.

Norientalism. See Borealism.

Nuclear Orientalism

This fairly widely used term was coined by Hugh Gusterson, and he and other scholars use it to describe the ways in which the American and Western European policymakers, as well the public, fear and seek to obstruct the acquisition of nuclear weapons by Islamic and Asian nations, which they imagine and construct as being irresponsible, irrational, impulsive, and treacherous. Those nations, thus, cannot be trusted with nuclear weapons. The Western nations, on the other hand, view their nuclear powers as demonstrating the mirror image of these supposed Asian traits and, therefore, can be entrusted with nuclear weapons. Scholars argue that the goal of nuclear Orientalists is to preserve the military domination of the United States and its Western allies and, thus, reflects the Western colonialism of the past.

Sources & Examples: Das, 2014; Gusterson, 2004; Ritchie, 2013; Urwin, 2016.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Military Orientalism.


O

Occult Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term and the closely related terms, esoteric Orientalism and Theosophical (theosophical) Orientalism, to describe the ways in which those involved in Western spiritualist-religious movements that originated in the 19th century imagine and construct the Orient (esp. India, Tibet, and Egypt) and Oriental religions (Hinduism and Buddhism) as being the source of mystical, spiritual, and timeless supernatural Truth. These Orientalisms are for the most part positive Orientalisms that both affirm at least some aspects of the Orient, usually religious and spiritual, but still treat the Orient stereotypically as having an essential nature absolutely distinct from the West. They are frequently identified with The Theosophical Society, founded in 1875, including especially one of its co-founders, Helena Petrovna Blavatsky (1831-1891) pictured here; and they are also closely associated with 19th century Romanticism. Within Western esoteric, occult movements, however, some individuals and groups have rejected Oriental mysticism as being irrelevant to the West and, thus, to a degree hold more common ideological Orientalist views of the East as in some degree inferior.

Sources & Examples: Occult: Bevir, 1994; Felski, 2004; Hanegraaff, 2015; Hedrick, 2013; Marchand, 2001; Partridge, 2016. Esoteric: Grandi, 2016; Haritaworn, et. al. And Theosophical: Baier, 2016; Corrado, 1999; Partridge, 2013; Stašulāne, 2009.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Magical Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Old Orientalism

Scholars use this term, generally and almost always in passing, to refer to traditional Orientalism, especially in its ideological Orientalism guise, in contrast to later developments in Orientalism thinking, most often termed new Orientalism and also post-Orientalism. It is also used to differentiate between the time when traditional Orientalism was a dominant school of thought and practice and later intellectual developments other than Orientalism. Occasionally, “old” Orientalism is used to mean Saidian Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Little, 2000; Malready, 2015; Oda, 2002.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, New Orientalism, Post-Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Old-Fashioned Orientalism

Although widely used by scholars, they normally do not use this term in a technical sense. "Old-fashioned" is simply used as a modifier to describe forms of Orientalism that are no longer current. While most often used to refer to the older versions of ideological Orientalism of the 19th and roughly first half of the 20th centuries, this term is also used to refer to older versions of Orientalism generally. Some scholars use the term Old School [Old-School] Orientalism in the same way and to mean the same thing.

Sources & Examples: Carney, 2010; Kalmar, 2010; Nelson, 2004; Wilford, 2013.

See also: Classical Orientalism, Historical Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Old School [Old-School] Orientalism. See Old-Fashioned Orientalism.

Old Testament Orientalism

A few scholars use this very rarely used term to describe Milton and other English authors’ appropriation of biblical themes, ideas, and images found in the Old Testament to describe non-Christian, "heathen" peoples as the alien Other.

Sources & Examples: Lim, W., 2010.

See also: Biblical Orientalism, Christian Orientalism, Early Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Religious Orientalism, Renaissance Orientalism.

Ontological Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally in two different ways. First, they use it to describe discourses, institutions, and practices that emphasize one of the characteristics of ideological Orientalism, namely that "Oriental" cultures and/or nations are by their very being inherently unchanging. They are thus inherently and essentially inferior (or superior) by their very nature. Second, this term is sometimes associated with reverse Orientalism, the argument being that “Orientals” use Orientalist discourses and practices to oppose (“reverse”) their being objects of those discourses. They hold that their culture or nation is by the very nature of its being essentially superior to the Western Other. Some have argued that Edward Said’s book, Orientalism (1978), fits this second usage of this term.

Sources & Examples: al-Azim, 2000; Figueira, 2004; Halbfass, 1997; Jung, 2010; Worringer, 2014.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism.

Operatic Orientalism

Scholars use this term normally to describe the ways in which Western operas functions as ideological Orientalist discourses that represent the Oriental Other as exotic and mysterious. At times the Other is imagined and presented as dangerous and male while, at other times, Orientals are constructed as feminine and highly sexualized.

Sources & Examples: Balkiş, 2010; Lindenberger, 1998; Sheppard, 2015.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Musical Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism, Theatrical Orientalism.

Oriental Gaze. See Orientalist Gaze.

Oriental Orientalism

Scholars normally use this term to describe indigenous Asian discourses, institutions, and practices that reflect the influence of Western Orientalist thinking on their own self-understanding. Thus Asian scholars function as Orientalists in treating their own "Oriental" cultures by internalizing a Western Orientalist framework of interpretation. Or again, Asians use international cultural agencies, such as the cinema, to perpetuate Orientalist understandings of their own culture or nation. Generally, scholars view Oriental Orientalism as being a subconscious, unintentional process unlike self-Orientalism or reverse Orientalism, which are generally considered intentional. As such, this term is a form of the broader term, internalized Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Chung & Diffrient, 2015; Kikuchi, 2004; Leezenberg, 2011; Nishio & Yamanaka, 2006; Sadiki, 2004.

See also: Epistemological Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Internalized Orientalism, Orientalist Gaze, Reverse Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Sub-Orientalism.

Oriental Renaissance

This is a widely used term introduced by Raymond Schwab in his book, La Renaissance Orientale (1950), to describe a major intellectual and cultural European movement that began in the middle-late 18th century and continued well into the 19th century and which scholars have labeled, “the second Renaissance” after the Italian Renaissance. This movement saw an almost explosive expansion of knowledge about Asia, beginning with Persia and most importantly India; and it had a major impact on European scholarship, the arts, and cultural and social life generally. And while its influence was felt widely in much of Europe, no nation was more affected than Germany. Following Schwab, this movement is most generally known as the “Oriental Renaissance.” It particularly had a large impact on the development of a range of academic and scholarly fields including philology, religious studies, and anthropology among others; this impact was channeled through a large institutional establishment of scholars, university faculties, societies, international fairs and conferences, and a massive outpouring of literature about the Orient. While this movement had several sources and any number of key figures, Sir William Jones (1746-1794), whose portrait is illustrated here, and the “Bengal Renaissance” in which he played the leading role are widely credited as playing a crucial role in initiating the European Oriental Renaissance. This cultural and intellectual movement was premised on the idea that Asian (Oriental) civilizations, such as India, were different (“exotic”) from Europe yet also highly civilized especially in the past; as such, Oriental civilizations could be a source of new inspiration for Europeans in a time when institutional religion and “old-fashioned” social values were being questioned. Scholars often link the Oriental Renaissance with Romanticism, seeing them reinforcing each other. They observe that it also had an important impact in colonial India where Indian scholars accepted European Orientalist images and constructions of the Indic past and built their own “Hindu Renaissance” in Indian learning as a form of reverse Orientalism. Thus, some scholars distinguish between the Orientalist Renaissance in Europe and the Oriental Renaissance in India itself while noting that the two movements were deeply intertwined. Students of the Oriental Renaissance have also noted that it had a darker side in its being embedded in the European colonial domination of Asia and in being a source of European anti-Semitism, an outgrowth of the idea that Aryan civilization was the true source of European spirituality to which Judaism was a danger.

Sources & Examples: Brodski, 2015; Dabashi, 2015; Clarke, 1997; Dirlik, 1996; Moshfeg, 2012; Roberts, 2014; Thieme, 2016; Said, 1978; Schwab, 1984;Turner, 2004.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Philosophical Orientalism, Racial Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Orientalism

See the entry, "Orientalism" in the online edition of the New World Encyclopedia.

See the entry, "Orientalism" at Wikepedia: the Online Encyclopedia.

Orientalism Theory

Scholars generally use this term to describe the system of ideas and general principles underlying the notion of “Orientalism” as explicated most particularly by Edward W. Said who described Orientalism as being a body of theory and practice used by the West to reduce “the Orient” to a simple, essential, and timeless stereotype of itself in order to exercise power over “Orientals,” most especially Arabs and Muslims. This term is thus also called the Saidian theory of Orientalism. Scholars and others at times use this term in the context of proposing that the conceptual framework, body of knowledge, and principles of Orientalism theory should be applied to contexts and situations involving non-Asian peoples and cultures. Less frequently, some scholars use this term without specific reference to Said.

Sources & Examples: Allen, 2010; ChaiBong, 2000; Fauzi, 2016; Goddall, 2014; Said, 1978; Said, 1985; Varin-Mignano, 2008; Wolf, 2015.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Orientalist Aesthetic(s). See Aesthetic Orientalism.

Orientalist Archaeology. See Archaeological Orientalism.

Orientalist Architecture. See Architectural Orientalism.

Orientalist Comics. See Comic Book Orientalism.

Orientalist (Oriental) Enlightenment

Scholars generally use this term, either less frequently as the “Oriental Enlightenment” or more frequently as the “Orientalist Enlightenment,” in at least four ways. First some scholars use it to describe the ways in which the European Enlightenment imagined and constructed the Orient. Scholars more often use the term Enlightenment Orientalism to describe this form of Orientalism. Second, other scholars, notably J. J. Clarke, use it to describe the ways in which Asian (Oriental) intellectual and religious thinking has influenced the West, enlightening it in a way similar to the European Enlightenment. This term is thus most often used to refer to Clarke’s book, Oriental Enlightenment: the Encounter between Asia and Western Thought (1997). Third, a few other scholars use this term to describe movements in Asian nations drawing on indigenous “Oriental” resources to “enlighten” the public generally or a segment of it. Fourth and still less often, a few scholars use this term to describe efforts by European colonial governments to lift colonials out of their supposed state of Oriental ignorance.

Sources & Examples: Blanco, 2016; Clarke, 1997; Cohen, 2014; Kumar, 2003; van Reijen, 2018; Watling, 2009.

See also: Enlightened Orientalism, Enlightenment Orientalism.

Orientalist Exotica

Scholars and others generally use this often used term to describe the wide variety of ways in which supposedly Oriental/Asian artifacts are used to imagine and construct that which is distant, strange, alien, sensous, intriguing, romantic, and mysterious (i.e. exotic). These artifacts include arts and crafts, literature, communication and entertainment media, elements of nature (e.g. indigenous animals, landscapes), cityscapes (as “exotic” places), social and cultural roles and institutions, and human sexuality including the images of women—that is, virtually anything that may be construed to be either traditionally or essentially Asian. Things from the Arab-Muslim Middle East are among the most frequently imagined, including camels, desert scenes, covered markets, mosques, and harems. The painting, El vendedor de tapices (1870), by the Spanish painter, Mariano Fortuny (1838-1874)—illustrated here—is itself an example of Oriental exotica and depicts particular items of exotica as well. Scholars argue that Orientalist exotica fulfill a number of different functions primarily having to do with communicating an exotic ethos of distant lands, strangeness, and mystery. They are thus used: (1) for entertainment purposes in such things as plays, movies, and the ballet; (2) as important elements in advertising and marketing strategies; (3) by national, regional, or local governments, again as strategies for reinventing their identities in ways that will encourage tourism and or trade; (4) to reframe one’s own cultural or national identity, for example, in defense against the incursions of modernization; and (5) to reinvent one’s own personal Asian identity by using Oriental exotica as exaggerations of certain images and symbols associated with “Asian-ness”. It should also be noted that by-and-large scholars do not link this term with ideological Orientalism or Saidian Orientalism although several of these uses might be considered to be acts of self-Orientalism. In particular, this term and the terms exotic Orientalism and Orientalist exoticism are distinct yet related notions that scholars sometimes use almost interchangeably. The latter two, however, tend to be more closely identified with ideological Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Bissell, 2005; Buchanan, 2006; Miller, 2015; Redwood, 2016; Robinson, 2013-14.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Economic Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Literary Orientalism, Local Orientalism, Orientalist Exoticism, Popular Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism.

Orientalist Exoticism

It might be argued that this term is not a technical one at all so far as Orientalism is concerned. It simply specifies a particular type or style of exoticism. Scholars and others, however, still tend to use it frequently in ways similar to both Orientalist exotica and Exotic Orientalism, particularly the latter term. As used by scholars, it can be associated with ideological Orientalism similarly to exotic Orientalism; but it may also be identified with the paraphernalia and wide-ranging elements of Orientalist exotica. Scholars note that in both instances Asians sometimes draw on Orientalist exoticism to construct their essential own identities as acts of self-Orientalism. As is the case with both exotic Orientalism and Orientalist exotica, this term is most frequently used to describe an aesthetic style that is taken to be haunting, mysterious, strange, sensuous, romantic, and alien (among other things).

Sources & Examples: Adams, 2017; Afzal, 2014; Botstein, 2012; Fu, 2015; Jauregui, 2008; Kennedy, n.d.; Laouyene, 2008, Mason, 2015..

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Economic Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Literary Orientalism, Local Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Orientalist Exotica, Romantic Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism.

Orientalist Feminism. See Feminist Orientalism.

Orientalist Gaze

This term is widely used in the field of Orientalism studies and draws on the scholarly notion of “gaze,” especially as articulated by Michel Foucault. Scholars use it as a metaphor that employs terms for sight to describe the ways in which ideological Orientalist discourses and narratives envision and focus on an Other in an interested, imaginative, intense, powerful, and invasive way that sees the Other according to one’s own prejudices, seeing only that which was imagined would be seen. This term is often used to describe the ways in which paintings, films, and other visual media are employed to imagine the Other as being, for example, essentially and irredeemably uncivilized, uncouth, immoral, and dangerous—or, at the very least, exotic and inferior. Scholars often associate the Orientalist gaze with the “male gaze,” which looks on the Other as being sensual, feminine, an object of both desire and revulsion, and again exotic and inferior. Theodore Chasseriau's painting, le harem (1852), illustrated here, captures this sense of the ways in which the West has gazed at Orientals. Scholars also sometimes note that those who are subjected to an Orientalist gaze have it within their power to return that gaze, focusing it on the original gazer. Some scholars also use this term to describe situations in which Asians themselves focus their own Orientalist gaze on an Other, often but not necessarily another Asian nation or ethnic group. This term and the term Oriental gaze are used in the same way, although the notion of “Oriental gaze” is more often used to refer to the “gaze” that Asians (“Orientals”) cast on an Other, again often but not necessarily an Asian Other.

Sources & Examples: Cartron, 2013; Herath, 2015; Jouhki, 2006; Mizumura, 2009; Nakatani, 2009; Park & Wilkins, 2005; Spanos, 2009; Trivundž, 2004.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Mainstream Orientalism, Oriental Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism.

Orientalist Geography. See Geographical Orientalism.

Orientalist Historicism. See Historicist Orientalism.

Orientalist Humanism. See Humanistic Orientalism.

Orientalist Journalism. See Journalistc Orientalism.

Orientalist Mainstream. See Mainstream Orientalism.

Orientalist Marxism. See Marxist Orientalism.

Orientalist Masculinity. See Male Orientalism.

Orientalist Paranoia. See Paranoid Orientalism.

Orientalist Parasite

This term was coined by Ali Behdad and otherwise is very rarely used. According to Behdad, an Orientalist parasite is an ideological Orientalist who in some way benefits from living with or close to Orientals without benefitting their lives in return. He uses this term to describe the 19th century Swiss transvestite woman, Isabella Eberhardt, who lived for some years in French colonial North Africa. He argues that as a transvestite/Orientalist parasite, Eberhard both idealized and romanticized Oriental life and lived off of it without contributing to its benefit; her writings actually provided French colonial officials with knowledge that strengthened the colonial system even though she was critical of it herself.

Sources & Examples: Behdad, 1994; Misirhiralall, 2015.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Orientalist Philology. See Philological Orientalism.

Orientalist Philosophy. See Philosophical Orientalism.

Orientalist Politics. See Political Orientalism.

Orientalist Positivism. See Positivist Orientalism.

Orientalist Projection

This term is very widely used among scholars beginning with Edward Said (1978) himself. A very few scholars have used the term Projective Orientalism instead, both terms having the same meaning. This term is drawn from the psychological concept of “projection,” and those who use it most rigorously argue that Western Orientalists attribute (“project”) the negative traits they fear in themselves unto an Other as being the essential nature of the Other. Most scholars, however, use this term more broadly to describe the ways in which Western Orientalists attribute certain characteristics to (Oriental) Others. Following Said, those characteristics are usually negative and amount to a description of the Other as uncivilized, weak, immoral, feminine, etc. The goal of these attributions is often to exercise power and control over the Other supposedly “for their own sake” or, at the very least, to exhibit the superiority and goodness of the Self over against the Other. In this sense, Orientalist projections are used to justify exploitation of the Other in one way or another. Scholars point out that Orientalist projection is a one-way process that leaves the Other powerless to respond or to defend oneself. A smaller number of scholars argue that Said has overstated the consequences of projection, failed to show that those consequences are broadly relevant to Orientalist discourse generally, and overlooked the fact that projection is a part of the normal learning process for understanding another culture. A few other scholars have observed that at times some Westerners imagine and construct the West itself as being spiritually defective and have, in a sense "reverse projected" that defect onto the East by seeing it as being spiritually superior.

Sources & Examples: Andrea, 2007; Goldsmith, 2015; Haarmann, 1995; Ives, 2009; Knauft, 2007; Larson, 1995; Magout, 2014; Nandy, 1983; Said, 1978.

See also: Counter Orientalism (Second Usage), Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Spiritual Orientalism.

Orientalist Racism. See Racist Orientalism.

Orientalist Renaissance. See Oriental Renaissance.

Orientology

A limited circle of scholars use this term (Russian: vostokovedenie ) to mean the academic field of study devoted to Eastern (“Oriental”) peoples, cultures, and nations from Northern Africa to the Pacific rim—the field of study more commonly known as Orientalism. This term and its usage are associated with and largely limited to Russian Orientalist scholarship, including scholars in nations, such as Kazakhstan, that have been influenced by it as well as Western students of Russian Orientologies. Russian Orientology originated in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, and Kazan University (founded in 1905 and illustrated here) became the first center of the Russian academic study of the East. It was not until the 1890s, however, that Orientology became a significant field of Russian scholarship modeled to degree on Western European Orientalism. One of the most prominent and influential Russian Orientologists was Baron Viktor Romanovich Rozen (1864-1908), who established a school of Orientology at St. Petersburg University in the 1890s. His students played key roles in Orientological studies well into the Soviet era. Even prior to the Russian Revolution of 1917, however, Russian Orientologists felt increasingly alienated from European Orientalists who were held to be too Euro-centric, self-serving, nationalistic, and distant from Asia to be able to truly understand the East. Russia was seen to have the advantage because of its unique proximity to Asia. These criticisms carried over into and were intensified in the Soviet era at which time Russian Orientologists appropriated anti-colonial, anti-imperialist Marxism to emphasize the “scientific” nature of their study. Russian Orientology, as a consequence, has remained relatively isolated from international Asian studies down to the present; and Russian Orientologists agree with Edward Said’s critique (1978) of Western Orientalism but feel that it does not apply to them. Some Western scholars, however, hold that in its early development Orientology was influenced to a large degree by Western European Orientalism and that it too has at various times been enmeshed in Russian political needs, Russian colonialism, and has been a tool for those in power. One distinctive characteristic of Russian Orientology has been its dual focus on Asian peoples within Russia’s own borders as well as on other Asian nations outside their borders, such as India. [revised 06/18]

Sources & Examples: Ataöv, 1972; Borozdin, 1929; Bustanov, 2015; Duraković, 2004; Karnaukhova, 2015; Kirasirova, 2015; Nunan, 2016; , Tolz, 2011.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Marxist Orientalism, Russian Orientalism, Soviet Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Socialist Orientalism.

Orthodox Orientalism

Scholars generally use this seldom used term as a synonym for ideological Orientalism and sometimes more specifically for Saidian Orientalism. This term is not to be confused with Orientalisms associated with the various Christian Orthodox churches.

Sources & Examples: D'haen, 2012; Said, 1995 (1978); Tamari, 2015.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.


P

Paranoid Orientalism

This term and its related term, Orientalist paranoia, are not widely used; but when scholars do use them they use them to describe particularly extreme forms of ideological Orientalism grounded in irrational anxieties and fears that are frequently racially based. Some scholars thus equate paranoid Orientalism with “white paranoia.” In the United States, fear of communism previously and the trauma of 9/11 more recently have been causes of American Orientalist paranoia. In general, paranoid Orientalism is based on a deep distrust of the (Oriental) Other, which imagines and constructs the Other in ways that are not grounded in reality but, instead, are based on conspiracy theories that justify suppressing the Other. As a collective rather than individual form of psychological paranoia, paranoid Orientalism can and does have wide and sometimes powerful social, political, and economic impacts especially on its victims. [revised 7/17]

Sources & Examples: Bowman, 2015; King, 2015; Mousa, et. al., 2016; Panopticonrus, 2013; Sharma & Sharma, 2003.

See also: Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Modern Orientalism, New Orientalism.

Parallel Orientalism

This term (including the variations of "parallel Orientalist" and "Orientalist Parallels") is not widely used. When scholars do use it they generally use it in two broad ways. First, some scholars use it to describe similarities between one form or another of Orientalism and other concepts or phenomenon. Colonialism and Orientalism, for example, are different concepts and phenomena, but there are clear similarities (“parallels”) between them. While scholars more often use the term, quasi-Orientalism, to describe this first usage of this term, the fundamental idea of similarities remains the same. Second, scholars also use this term to describe close relationships between differing forms or uses of Orientalism in, for example, different cultural contexts or between two different historical periods. In this second usage, the similarities are between two forms of Orientalism rather than between something else and Orientalism. Thus, reverse Orientalisms may be considered to be Orientalisms that are closely associated with (“parallel to”) the Western Orientalisms on which they are modeled and from which they are drawn. Turkish and Indian nationalists, for example, have both articulated Orientalisms that “parallel” Western ideological Orientalism. In one special usage of this term, Malreddy Pavan Kumar has cryptically defined it as being the exhibition of the mirror image traits between “good” and “bad” individuals within a given community, his example being “good Muslims vs. bad Muslims.” In another special usage, Fatima Abbadi in an photographic exhibit that she held in London in 20015 used this term to point to the fundamental sameness of people through all human cultures and societies—arguing, that is, there are “parallels” between all of us wherever and whoever we are. [revised 7/17]

Sources & Examples: Abbadi, 2015; Cosco, 2003; Hayes, 2000; Helle, 2016; Kumar, 2012; Swanson, 2004; Trenam, 2010; El-Zobaidi, 2015.

See also: Quasi-Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Paternal Orientalism. See Paternalistic Orientalism.

Paternalistic [Paternal] Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe the ways in which a Self, usually Western, imagines and constructs an essentially inferior (Oriental) Other as being in need of assistance and oversight ostensibly for its own sake. It is thus a somewhat more ambivalent, subtle, and less direct form of ideological Orientalism, which is able to see good qualities in the Other while still imagining the other as essentially deficient. Paternalistic Orientalists can feel sentimental toward the Other, desiring to “protect” them and, often, their traditional cultural heritage in the face of modernization. These protective (paternalistic) feelings, however, tend to be unstable and break down in times of tension and conflict. Scholars often describe paternalistic Orientalism as being mixed with or on a scale with other forms of ideological Orientalism and racism.

Sources & Examples: Baber, 2002; Daniel, 2016; Dockter, 2015; Hammack, 2011; Mendelson-Maoz, 2014; Triandafyllidou & Gropas, 2015.

See also: Ideological Orientalism.

Patrician Orientalism

This term is generally associated with John Kuo Wei Tchen’s book, New York Before Chinatown (1999), which details how wealthy residents of New York City used the consumption of Chinese imports—personalities as well as products—to confirm and sustain their elite status. Patrician Orientalism contributed to the formation of American identity and racial attitudes by helping to create Asians as the stereotypical, inferior Other.

Sources & Examples: Cherkaoui, 2010; Park, 2010; Techen, 1999.

See also: Commercial Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Patronizing Orientalism

Scholars use this term in a general, non-technical sense to describe a superficially affirming attitude toward an Other that is actually condescending, imagining and constructing that other as being essentially inferior, backward, or otherwise deficient. Scholars also use this term in a more technical sense to refer specifically to Saidian Orientalism as described by Edward W. Said in his book, Orientalism (1978). It is, thus, a synonym for ideological Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Aponte, 2015; Coon, 2000; Davis, 2016; Gupta, 2012; Hees, 2002.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Pejorative Orientalism. See Negative Orientalism.

Peripheral Orientalism

This term is not widely used, and some scholars who do use it emphasize that the phenomenon of peripheral Orientalism remains little studied so that what can be said about it must be tentative. Still, they use this term to describe Orientalisms of nations or classes of people who live on the outer boundaries (the “periphery”) of Western society—such as minorities in the United States or the nations of Latin America. These peoples have been both objects of Orientalist stereotyping and producers of such stereotyping themselves; and while the consequences their situation remain unclear, some scholars are convinced that living on the boundaries of the West does have an impact on how peripheral Orientalists imagine and construct Others. In some cases, at least, they appear to imagine and construct Others both as having essential, timeless natures and yet see those natures in a positive light. In other cases, Orientalist stereotyping appears to be less pervasive if still present in these nations and peoples. Wael Hallaq, meanwhile, has used this term in a different way to describe the less structured popular Orientalisms of common (“peripheral”) people who are not academic Orientalists or influential members of the media, that is not core producers and purveyors of ideological Orientalisms.

Sources & Examples: Azad, 2014; Clark, 2013; da Silva, 2016; Maira, 2007; Maira, 2008; Vazeilles, n.d.

See also: Black Orientalism, Celticism, Frontier Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Nesting (Nested) Orientalism, Scottish Orientalism, Subaltern Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Quasi-Orientalism, Relational Orientalism.

Philio-Orientalism

Some scholars use this term to describe a generally milder form of ideological Orientalist discourse that displayes a fondness for and willingness to draw on the Arab East especially in literature and the arts while still seeing the Orient as essentially exotic. Philo-Orientalism is most often linked to the periods of the Enlightenment and Romanticism.

Sources & Examples: Aravamudan, 2012; Imangulieva, 2009; Kalmar, 2012; Kalmar, 2013.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Enlightenment Orientalism, Literary Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Philological Orientalism

Scholars use this term and the term, Orientalist Philology, to describe the crucial historical role that the academic field of philology played in the development of the notion of Orientalism beginning at the end of the 18th century through roughly the post-World War II period. They disagree, however, as to the precise nature of that role depending on their appraisal of Edward W. Said’s critique of it (Orientalism, 1978). Although Said recognized that there were different branches and approaches to philology, he characterized the field as being the crucial academic vessel of ideological Orientalism, which imposed European notions of language and culture on non-Western languages, virtually inventing their supposed linguistic development from their own suppositions and prejudices. Orientalist philologists, that is, shoehorned the “Oriental” texts they studied in their own European framework. According to Said, they imagined and constructed other languages as essentially different from and inferior to European languages, and many of them adhered to a dualistic division between backward “Semitic” and advanced “Aryan” languages. Other scholars have argued that Said selected a narrow range of Orientalist philologists who fit his paradigm, ignoring many others; and he did not give sufficient attention to other developments in philology that were more scientific, less prejudiced. Supporters of Said respond that even within these counter-movements, they still detect the main contours of Orientalist stereotypes; and some go so far as to argue that Orientalist philology was essentially racist. They argue that Orientalist philology was not a scientific field of study and depended largely on what was believed and imagined about other languages. Later in the 19th century, however, one branch did develop in the direction of engaging in more empirical, less ideological-based study. Among those scholars who generally agree with Said, philological Orientalism is generally seen as a tool of European colonialism. However, it is also understood that scholars in Asian nations, particularly India, accepted philological Orientalism’s notion of national languages and used that notion to understand and promote the development of their own “national” literature.

Sources & Examples: Basu, 2017; Girardot, 2002; Khan, 2013; Lockman, 2004; Moshfegh, 2012; Mufti, 2010; Nichanian, 2014; Quirke, 2008; Tastekin, 2011; Thomas, 2006; Varisco, 2007.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Comparative, Ideological Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Scottish Orientalism.

Philosophical Orientalism

This term and its synonym, Orientalist philosophy, are widely used by scholars to describe the ways in which Western philosophers, their schools, and traditions have used reasoned discourse to imagine and construct the “Orient” as having an essential, unchanging, and mystical/spiritual nature. Western Orientalist philosophers have directed their attention, in particular, toward Asian philosophies and religions. In the main, they share in all of the notions, prejudices, and justifications of ideological Orientalism and have, in fact, both drawn on and significantly contributed to Western cultural Orientalism. While Orientalist thinking is found throughout the history of Western philosophy from ancient times onward, it emerged as a significant element of philosophical discourse in the 19th century, particularly in Germany, France, and Great Britain. Those discourses, because they are philosophical, tend to be nuanced, closely reasoned, and subtle in their rendering of Orientalist notions. They can also seem self-contradictory depending on the context and stage of thinking in which individual philosophers are writing. When evaluating historical Eastern philosophies, they generally imagine and construct those philosophies as being imitative, in decline, incapable of high reason, and consisting mostly of disguised Greek thinking. Western Orientalist philosophers have frequently focused on the supposedly essential spirituality and mysticism of the Orient, some seeing in these qualities a key defect of the East while others, notably those influenced by Romanticism, have seen these qualities as being superior to Western materialism. Some scholars note that philosophical Orientalism came into prominence at a time when European colonialism was rapidly expanding and was implicated in supporting that expansion. This was especially the case because many philosophers held a progressive view of history that saw Western Christian civilization as the culmination of history while the Orient was important only at the beginning of history and had not progressed since then. [revised 11/17]

Sources & Examples: Aravamudan, 2012; Azadpur, 2007; Azadpur, 2012; Bayat, 2015; Billmoria, 2008; Billmoria, 2015; Bose, 2004; Kreft, 2010; Neilly, 2011; Said, 1978.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Classical Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Enlightenment Orientalism, Hegelian Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Kantian Orientalism, Oriental Renaissance, Platonic Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Scottish Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Phony Orientalism. See Fake Orientalism.

Pictorial (Pictorialist) Orientalism

This term is fairly widely used. Scholars generally use it to describe a form of visual “Oriental” representation limited primarily to painting and photography (including postcards) which was popular in the 19th and early 20th centuries. This term is especially used to refer to Orientalist paintings, particularly those of a school of French painters that included artists such as Eugène Delacroix, whose representative painting, Women of Algiers in their Apartment (1834), is illustrated here. Pictorial Orientalists imagined and represented “Orientals” as being essentially and identifiably exotic, colorful, and picturesque. Scholars especially emphasize the ways in which pictorial Orientalists represented Eastern women as being sexual, sensuous, and lewd; and it is generally understood that these Orientalists were complicit in European colonialism and gave expression to concerns for power as much as for aesthetics. This term is to be distinguished from the more general term, visual Orientalism, which refers to a broader range of visual media.

Sources & Examples: Alaoui, n.d.; Boer, 2003; Gersdorf, 2009; Matus, 1995; Ramli, 2009; Singleton, 2004.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Political Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism, Visual Orientalism.

Platonic Orientalism

This term is attributed to John Walbridge, The Wisdom of the Mystic East (2001). Scholars normally use it to describe an ancient philosophical-religious tradition held to originate with Plato, which was revived in Europe in the 15th century and today is associated with Western esoteric and occultist literature. Scholars argue that Platonic Orientalists in Roman times and in Renaissance Europe imagined a primordial, pure wisdom that originates in the East (variously Egypt, Mesopotamia, and as far east as India) and defined themselves in terms of this imaginary Eastern Other. This wisdom is held to reveal the divine Mind and the path of personal salvation. Zlatko Plese’s notion of Platonist Orientalism is similar to Platonic Orientalism but focuses on a small number of Roman philosophers who held that the wisdom traditions of Plato and of the “barbarians” were compatible and shared a common source.

Sources & Examples: Burns, 2014; Hanegraaff, 2009; Hanegraaff, 2016; Plese, 2005; Walbridge, 2001.

See also: Ancient Orientalism, Philosophical Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Renaissance Orientalism.

Platonist Orientalism. See Platonic Orientalism.

Pleasure-Pier Orientalism. See Seaside Orientalism.

Poetic Orientalism

Scholars use this term normally in much the same way they use the term literary Orientalism. Prior to Edward Said’s book, Orientalism (1978), poetic Orientalism simply meant poetry that drew on the Orient in one way or another. Since Said, scholars generally recognize that two major strands or perspectives inform the poetic usage of Oriental sources. One strand represents an attraction to the East, seeing it as a mystical, spiritual, exotic place. The other strand tends to see the Orient in a less positive light as a place of temptation and immorality, lacking in civilization and undeserving of respect. In both cases, Orientalist poetic discourses assume an essential Orient and treat that Orient stereotypically. Scholars generally recognize a close connection between poetic Orientalism and Romanticism.

Sources & Examples: Curtis, 1883; Krutikov, 2011; Pao, 2005; Robinson, 2014; Stetkevych, 1975; Terblanche, 2002; Tobar, 2010.

See also: Artificial Orientalism, Byronic Orientalism, Literary Orientalisms, Positive Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Political Orientalism

Scholars use this term and its synonym, Orientalist politics, to describe one the key aspects of the notion of ideological Orientalism, which is the exercise of power and control over the (Oriental) Other; and scholars often consider Edward W. Said’s Saidian Orientalism to itself be a form of political Orientalism. Generally, then, scholars use these terms to describe the ways in which Orientalism was used to justify European colonialism and continue to be used down to the present to justify Western imperialisms by imagining and constructing Orientals as lacking the capacity for just and effective governance and thus as being a danger to the West. Orientals are, for example, deemed incapable of exercising true citizenship. In all of this, Scholars observe that these two terms encompass the usual set of Orientalist prejudices, which imagine and construct Orientals as being essentially and irredeemably inferior, irrational, exotic, backward, lacking in civilization, sensuous, and so forth. Orientals are supposedly politically incompetent and dangerous. Scholars more generally apply these terms to many different “political” situations, such as especially cases of sexual politics, where Orientalist prejudices are used to gain and exercise power over others. They also point to the ways in which Orientalist politics is a form of representational politics that employs the arts, literature, and other cultural forms to further Orientalist agendas. Thus, for example, Eugène Delacroix’s painting The Fanatics of Tangier (1837-1838), illustrated here, depicts something of the supposedly chaotic, backward nature of Arab politics. Although scholars occasionally use these both terms, especially “Orientalist politics,” to describe Asians more generally and even more rarely non-Asians, they most frequently use these terms in reference to the Arab-Muslim Middle East, which is not only seen to be politically incompetent and dangerous but also deemed to suffer under the dominance of religion over its politics. More generally, scholars also point out the significant impact the idea of political Orientalism/Orientalist politics has had on world history since the 19th century, as a factor in the redrawing of the world’s political maps. They also note that, as is usually the case with various forms of Orientalism, Asians themselves have often appropriated Orientalist categories to describe their own political systems as being essentially different from and even superior to those of the West. [revised 2/18]

Sources & Examples: Political Orientalism: Dallmayr, 2002; El Faroui, 2000; Harrington, 2014; Isin, 2005; Isin, 2014, Kennedy, n.d.; Lim, 2010; Luisetti, 2010; Mason, 2015; Mehta, 2004; Morrison, 2014; Nahaboo, 2014; Poole, 2002; Rich, 2007; Şafak, 2014; Tchen, 1999; Tseng, 2003; Zhang, 2003. Orientalist Politics: Ganguly, 2005; Kollárová, 2016; White & Goodman, 1998; Zine, 2004.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Gender Orientalism. Governmental Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Racial Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism.

Popular Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to denote a wide variety of elements of popular culture that mediate ideological Orientalist discourses including popular literature, the arts, motion pictures, television, circuses, vaudeville, tourism, and virtually any other element of popular culture. Popular Orientalist discourses and practices usually imagine and portray an exotic, alluring, and sometimes feminized Other. Sunaina Maira thus describes the mid- to late-1990s cultural phenomenon in the United States, "Indo-chic Orientalism," as being an example of popular Orientalism with its fascination for Indian exotica such as henna and belly dancing. Different scholars draw the boundaries between “high” and popular culture at different places. Occasionally, scholars use the terms vernacular Orientalism and, very rarely, entertainment Orientalism as synonyms for popular Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Bevir, 1994; Ghosh, 2003; Kumar, 2012; Maira, 2007; Marchand, 2010; McLean, 1997; Teop, 2014; Veena & Ramanathan, 2013; Yoshihara, 2003.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Comic Orientalism, Comic Book Orientalism, Commercial Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Faddish Orientalism, Feminist Orientalism, Folk Orientalism, Latent Orientalism, Local Orientalism, Orientalist Exotica, Orientalist Exoticism, Seaside Orientalism, Sartorial Orientalism, Vernacular Orientalism.

Positive Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term and its synonym, affirmative Orientalism, to describe cases when Orientalist prejudices are embraced and transformed into positives either by Western Orientalist counter-discourses or discourses produced by the subjects of Orientalist prejudices themselves. Positive Orientalist discourses affirm the traits, qualities, and values of the Other as being good and even superior while still treating the Other in stereotypical ways that imagine them as having essential, timeless qualities.

Sources & Examples: Fox 1996; Gier, 2000; King, 2005; Kowal, 2008; Welten, 2014.

See also: Affirmative Orientalism, Buddhist Orientalism, Celticism, Comparative Orientalism, Cosmopolitan Orientalism, Counter-Orientalism, Dissident Orientalism, Humanistic Orientalism, Marxist Orientalism, Negative Orientalism, Peripheral Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Scottish Orientalism, Sinological Orientalism, Strategic Orientalism, Subversive Orientalism, Sympathetic Orientalism.

Positivist Orientalism

Scholars use this term and its mirror image term, Orientalist positivism, to describe a particular approach to the study of the Arab Middle East and Islam based on the philosophical theory of positivism, which holds that all of reality, human as well as natural, can be codified in absolutely reliable laws and requires that all knowledge be empirical and secular. The roots of this theory are found in the French Enlightenment. Positivistic Orientalism led European scholars to imagine and construct “Orientals” as having an essential, timeless nature, which they believed could be known to them scientifically. Orientals, on the other hand, lacked the tools of positivist, empirical science and thus could no know themselves. Positivistic Orientalism is generally thought to have begun in the earlier 19th century and remained influential even after World War II. Although scholars generally do not specifically link positivistic Orientalism to the work of Edward W. Said, it is this kind of academic approach that Said criticized in Orientalism (1978). These terms, though not rare, are not widely used.

Sources & Examples: Malreddy, 2015; Robinson, 2011; Shaw, 2012.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Postcolonial (Post-colonial) Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually to describe the ways in which ideological Orientalist values and ideas remain embedded in more contemporary (“post-colonial”) discourses, institutions, and practices as largely hidden assumptions and unintended attitudes. Postcolonial Orientalism can be found particularly among academics, writers, and those in other cultural institutions of former colonies of the West and other peoples that have been the objects of ideological Orientalist prejudices. This term is thus used to describe the ways in which Orientalist habits of mind persist as a form of hidden Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Breckenridge & van der Veers, 1993; Gupta, 2007; Hayot, 2003; Heehs, 2007; Kalwar, 2014; Valassopoulos, 2007.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Colonial Orientalism, Disguised Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Internalized Orientalism, Modern Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Postmodern Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices directed primarily at East Asia and especially Japan, which rely on electronic entertainment and educational media. Whether covertly or overtly, these discourses, institutions, and practices reinforce the dualistic divide between East and West by identifying an essential, imagined, and stereotypical East. At times, the contrast drawn is used to make judgments on the inferiority of the West to the East, but more often the contrast is between a superior West and inferior East.

Sources & Examples: Kopanski, 2000; Masamichi, 2014; Sanders, 2008; Sugimoto, 2014, Yu 2008; Yu, 2009.

See also: Cultural Orientalism, Dissident Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Techno-Orientalism.

Post-Orientalism (Postorientalism)

Scholars use this term generally in one of three distinct ways. First and most often, they use it to refer to the ongoing study of ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices after the publication of Edward Said’s Orientalism in 1978. Post-Orientalism, thus, is the continuation and expansion of Said’s critique of classical Orientalism in all of its forms. Second, some scholars argue that more recent, critical scholarly discourses concerning ideological Orientalism continue to fall into the same traps as ideological Orientalism itself as a form of hidden Orientalism. In this usage, thus, Post-Orientalism represents a largely covert continuity with ideological Orientalism where in the first usage it represents a break from ideological Orientalism. Third and rarely, this term is used to describe the application of ideological Orientalist categories by the Other (the “Orientals”) against Western ideological Orientalism as a form of reverse Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Binhammer, 2014; Calia, 2011; Degabriele, 1997; Klein, 2003; Kumar, 2012; Pasha, 2007; Peers, 1999; Prakash, 1992.

See also: Critical Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Old Orientalism, Post-Saidian Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism.

Post-Saidian Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually in two closely related ways both of which acknowledge the foundational contribution of Edward Said to the study of Orientalism. First, most scholars use it to describe developments especially in the historical study of Orientalism by which scholars after Said see Orientalism as being a complex, multifaceted, and dynamic phenomenon that cannot be understood merely as static and dualistic. Scholars after Said, that is, seek to treat Orientalism in ways that do not replicate the prejudices of ideological Orientalism but transcend them. Second, much more rarely this term is used in the opposite way to suggest a narrow, ideological understanding of Orientalism dominated by Said himself. It should be noted that the actual term, “post-Saidian Orientalism” is used only rarely while the term “post-Saidian Orientalist[s]” is much more common.

Sources & Examples: Franklin, 2006; Sinha, 2012; Storchová, 2009; Teo, 2014.

See also: Critical Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Post-Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Post-Victorian Orientalism. See Neo-Victorian Orientalism.

Post-Zionist Orientalism. See Zionist Orientalism.

Practical Orientalism

Associated primarily with the work of Michael Haldrup, Lasse Koefoed, and Kirsten Simonsen, scholars use this term generally to describe the ways in which cultures express Orientalist prejudices and stereotyping through mundane, ordinary, and everyday practices and perceptions including such things as the dress, speech, physical appearance, food, and even ways of touching of the Other.

Sources & Examples: Culcasi & Gokmen, 2011; Haldrup, et. al., 2006; Haldrup, et. al, 2008; Wall, 2011.

See also: Banal Orientalism, Culinary Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Sartorial Orientalism.

Pre-colonial (Precolonial) Orientalism

Although rare, this term is used by a few scholars to refer to the origins of ideological Orientalism among Europeans stationed in India prior to the colonial era. Ganesh Ramarishanan sees those origins in developments in Britain, and Sheldon Pollock, who also uses the term pre-Orientalist Orientalism, observes them in Germany.

Sources & Examples: Malhorta, 2016; Pollock, 1993; Ramakrishanan, 2016; Siraj, 2009.

See also: Early Orientalism, Nascent Orientalism, Pre-Orientalism.

Pre-Critical Orientalism. See Critical Orientalism.

Prejudiced (Prejudicial) Orientalism

Although not used in a technical way, scholars have used this term to describe the ways in which ideological Orientalism creates mental barriers and preconceived stereotypes that prevent those who hold Orientalist prejudices from seeing the realties of the actual Orient. As scholars use it, this term reflects Edward Said’s understanding of Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Mac Laughlin, 1997; Piela, 2012; Thundy, 1993

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Pre-modern Orientalism

Scholars use this infrequently used term generally in two distinct ways. First, a few scholars use it to describe ideological Orientalism in its earlier stages before roughly the 19th century. As a stage in the development of Orientalism, pre-modern Orientalism is to be distinguished from the terms pre-Orientalism, proto-Orientalism, and nascent Orientalism, which are used to point to discourses, institutions, and practices that in one way or another foreshadowed and contributed to the emergence of ideological Orientalism. Second and still more rarely, this term is used to refer to earlier stages in the development of Orientalism when religion played a major role in Western conceptions (imaginings) of the Orient.

Sources & Examples: App, 2009, Sardar, 1999.

See also: Early Orientalism, Enlightenment Orientalism, Evangelical Orientalism, Modern Orientalism, Nascent Orientalism, Pre-Orientalism, Proto-Orientalism, Religious Orientalism.

Pre-Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually in one of two ways. First, they use it to describe a period in the historical development of ideological Orientalism before it emerged in its complete, classical form. The dating for the beginning of this period varies from the 15th century to the 18th and some scholars consider it to be the era prior to the spread of European colonialism. This usage is all but identical to that of the term proto-Orientalism, and as such it is questioned and contested by a number of scholars some of whom doubt the possibility of determining a single, definable pre-Orientalist era. Second, this term is used in a non-technical sense to describe the study of the Orient prior to the publication of Edward Said’s Orientalism in 1978.

Sources & Examples: Abeysekara, 2002; Aravamudan, 2012; Dirks, 2004; Doublas, 1998; Phillips, 2014; Said, 1983.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Early Orientalism, Enlightenment Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Nascent Orientalism, Pre-colonial Orientalism, Pre-modern Orientalism, Proto-Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Pre-Orientalist Orientalism. See Pre-colonial Orientalism.

Primary Orientalism

A few scholars have used this very rarely used term as a synonym for ideological Orientalism as described by Edward Said in his book, Orientalism (1978).

Sources & Examples: Boyle, 2000; Faure, 2004.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Primitive Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in one of three distinct ways. First, in the 19th century, biblical scholars and others used it in a religious sense to describe historical periods when religious sensibilities were supposedly “Oriental,” that is child-like, undeveloped, and backward. This usage occasionally appears in more recent studies about the 19th century. Second, some scholars use this term as a synonym for ideological Orientalism to describe Western prejudices against Islam and Muslims. Third, some scholars of the history of Judaism use this term to describe the perception either by Jews from Western Europe or by non-Jewish Westerners that Eastern and Asiatic Jews were primitively “Oriental,” that is backward socially, economically, culturally, and religiously.

Sources & Examples: Contemporary: Auerbach, 2001; Cockayne, 2003; Krämer, 2000; Shevitz, 2007; Stableford, n.d. 19th century: Herder, 1834; Macgregor, 1879; Smith, 1881; Wykes, 1999 .

See also: Biblical Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Zionist Orientalism.

Progressive Orientalism. See Liberal Orientalism.

Projective Orientalism. See Orientalist Projection(s).

Protean Orientalism

While scholars very rarely use this term as such, they do much more frequently describe the many and various forms and manifestations of ideological Orientalism as being “protean." Orientalisms, that is, take many different shapes, are highly adaptable, and can be seen as both laudable and objectionable. The point scholars often make is that the part of the power of these Orientalisms lies in their “protean nature,” which also allows them to appropriate other movements and cultural themes, such as European Romanticism as but one example.

Sources & Examples: Tetens, 2015; Wyrick, 2014.

See also: Covert Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Proto-Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to describe the origins, roots, and pre-history of Orientalism as well as to describe the actual historical emergence of Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices. As such, the study of proto-Orientalism involves discerning the definition, scope, and boundaries of Orientalism. While this term is sometimes used similarly to the term early Orientalism, technically it focuses more on that which anticipates and foreshadows the emergence of Orientalism rather than on a stage in the development of Orientalism itself.

Sources & Examples: Barbour, 2003; Kalmar, 2012; Kalmar & Penslar, 2005; Kinoshita, 2007; Vink, 2016.

See also: Early Orientalism, Medieval Orientalism, Nascent Orientalism, Pre-Orientalism.

Pseudo-Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually in one of two ways. First and most often, its usage predates Edward Said's book, Orientalism (1978). Since the 19th century, it has been used to describe the incorporation of Oriental-like themes into popular culture including especially the arts and literature. These themes are exotic, alluring, mysterious, often erotic, and sometimes sentimental. They sometimes draw on biblical themes as well. Scholars see evidence of pseudo-Orientalism going back to the 18th century, associate it with 19th century Romanticism, and describe it as continuing into the present. Pseudo-Orientalisms have far less to do with Asia than with how the West imagines the Orient and expresses that imagination through the medium of popular culture. The term is often used as a simple description of themes rather than as a term of critical, post-Said analysis. Second and less frequently, scholars us this term to describe false Orientalisms, which misrepresent “the Orient.”

Sources & Examples: Conant, 1908; Al-Dabbagh, 2010; Heard, 1950; Steingrass, 2002; Whjituck, 2014; Williams, 2014.

See also: Cultural Orientalism, False Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Popular Orientalism.

Pulp Orientalism

Scholars use this term normally to describe and analyze the presence of ideological Orientalist discourses in popular Western fiction both overtly about the Orient or more covertly using Oriental themes. Students of popular or genre fiction argue that Orientalist prejudices are expressed more blatantly and crudely in these discourses than in more classical texts.

Sources & Examples: Kumar, 2012a; Kumar, 2012b; Nanquette, 2013; Stothard, 2011.

See also: Comic Orientalism, Comic Book Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Literary Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Techno-Orientalism.

Puppet Orientalism

Benjamin Daniel Fisler coined this very rarely used term to describe the use of blackface puppets as a medium for racialized Orientalism in the American theatre.

Sources & Examples: Fisler, 2005.

See also: Cultural Orientalism, Racial Orientalism, Theatrical Orientalism.


Q

Quasi-Orientalism

This term is very widely used by scholars, frequently as “quasi-Orientalist,” generally in two distinct ways, the first having to do with ideological Orientalism in the tradition of Edward Said (Saidian Orientalism) and the second having to do with the arts. First, this term is used by scholars to define the nature of ideological Orientalism at its boundaries, particularly in situations where: (1) full-blown ideological Orientalist stereotypes are used in unusual situations not necessarily associated with Orientalism; and (2) where Orientalist stereotypes are mixed with other elements, usually Western, again in situations that might not ordinarily be considered Orientalist. In the first sense, scholars use this term to describe situations in which “Orientalist-like” stereotypes of an Other are being expressed, but that Other is not “Oriental”. It is sometimes used, for example, with the Balkans, Greece, and even Wales in which other Europeans imagine and construct these peoples as if they are similar to (quasi-) Orientals. Some scholars have described the terms Celticism and Mediterraneanism as being quasi-Orientalisms used to imagine and construct Orientalist-like stereotypes of those who are not Orientals. In the second sense, scholars use this term to describe situations in which ideological Orientalism appears in stereotypes that are less than complete and/or intermingle with other elements, normally local or indigenous ones. They particularly use this term to describe Asian (“Oriental”) mixed situations, such as in China among certain classes of modernizers who imagine and construct their own society in certain Orientalist-like ways. In the great majority of cases, scholars use this term in passing, leaving the reader to discern which meaning is intended. Second, long before Said, this term was used in the arts to describe what have been imagined to be exotic “Oriental-like” styles and themes in such Western artistic fields as (especially) music, the opera, poetry, the cinema, and even ceramic art—including the pottery of the British potter, Bernard Leach (1897-1979), an example of which is illustrated here. This usage is not intended to be ideological, although most scholars of Orientalism would argue that in many cases the artists’ usages of these forms still reflect ideological Orientalist stereotypes.

Sources & Examples: Costello, 1851; Leontidou, 2014; Macmillan, 2013; Makdisi, 2004; Marinkova, 2010; Radley & Vogel, 2010; Shen, 1992; Sklaroff, 2014.

See also: Arcticality, Borealism, Celticism, Covert Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Meriodonism, Musical Orientalism, Parallel Orientalism, Peripheral Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Tropicality.

Queer Orientalism. See Homoerotic Orientalism.


R

Racial Orientalism

Scholars generally use this seldom-used term and its synonym, racialized Orientalism, to describe ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices that imagine and define an alien Other on the basis of race, usually seeing that Other as being essentially and irredeemably inferior.

Sources & Examples: Chan-Malik, 2011; Kelley, 2002; Moon, 2015.

See also: Black Orientalism, Blatant Orientalism, Brown Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Oriental Renaissance, Puppet Orientalism, Racist Orientalism, Renaissance Orientalism, White Orientalism.

Racialized Orientalism. See Racial Orientalism.

Racist Orientalism

This term and the closely related term, Orientalist racism, are widely used by scholars. Unlike the term, “Orientalism,” which is often used to describe the ways in which a (non-racial) Self imagines and constructs a (non-racial) Other, these terms are generally used to describe Western oppressive, discriminatory, and stereotypical prejudices that fix on Asians, Arabs, and Muslims more generally. They are often applied to the Asian American minority experience in the United States. Scholars, at times, see racist Orientalism as being part of a larger complex of Western ideologies that have included colonialism, imperialism, Christian exclusivism, and Eurocentrism. Some scholars argue that racist Orientalism in its most blatant forms was a phenomenon of the Western colonial era of the 19th and earlier 20th centuries thus identifying it with what other scholars term hard Orientalism, that is the more extreme forms of ideological Orientalism. In this form, the Oriental Other is imagined and constructed to be essentially different from and irredeemably inferior to Caucasians so that an absolute racial boundary exists between them. Other scholars point to the subconscious, often subtle nature of racist Orientalism making it difficult to identify especially for those who inflict it on (Oriental) Others. Rarely, this term is applied to Asian attitudes towards other Asians, such as Chinese attitudes towards Tibetans, which Y. Y. R. Hung terms, “Sino-orientalism.” Scholars also point to its presence, often not subtle, in mass media culture as, for example, in Disney children’s movies such as the ill intentioned, slant-eyed “Siamese twins” cats in Lady & the Tramp (1955), illustrated here. More generally, racist Orientalism deploys a wide range of images that see the “Oriental” races as being violent, terroristic, intolerant, culturally conservative, greedy and shady, and uncompromising—and thus entirely incompatible with the democratic West. This term is distinguished from the much less frequently used term, racial Orientalism, which is employed more generally to all Orientalist-like cases of racial profiling and stereotyping.

Sources & Examples: Abdo, 1995; Dirlik, 1999; Eglash, 1995; Hung, H. 2003; Hung, Y. R. R. 2014; Khandaker, 2017; Melegh, 2006; Nugent, 2008; Shams, 2107; Wang, 2005.

See also: Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Racial Orientalism.

Reactionary Orientalism

Scholars generally use this rarely used term one of two ways. First, a very few scholars have used it to refer to Orientalists or others who harken back to an older pre-existing form of ideological Orientalism. They are “reacting” against later, perhaps less ideological trends in Orientalist thinking. Second, in 2003 Peter Heehs used this term to describe a group of “reactionary Orientalists” in India who want to recapture an imagined, glorious Indian/Hindu past and are "reacting" against those who contradict their nationalistic vision of the past. In this case, reactionary Orientalism is a form of reverse Orientalism, which imagines a past that did not actually happen. A few other scholars have taken up this usage, and it has also still more rarely been termed reactive Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Fraser, 1942; Gupta, 2007; Heehs, 2003; Nash, 2007.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Nationalistic Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism.

Reactive Orientalism. See Reactionary Orientalism.

Red Orientalism. See Socialist Orientalism.

Realist Orientalism

Scholars use this term most generally to describe a particular genre or style in the arts and literature, most particularly painting, that purports to represent the (Oriental) Other truly and fairly while most often actually misrepresenting the Orient as exotic, sensational, or otherwise obscuring and even concealing life as it actually is. Realist Orientalist painters, however, can be divided between two “camps,” those who strove to reveal the actual world of the Arab Middle East and North Africa and those who used supposedly realistic images and elements to present their own imagined Orient.

Sources & Examples: Chung, 2008; Monterescu, 2009a; Tunzelmann, 2015; Warren, 2013; Wójcik, 2017.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Literary Orientalism.

Red Orientalism. See Socialist Orientalism.

Reductive Orientalism

Scholars use this term normally to describe the ways in which Western commentators on the “Orient” —academics, commentators, and the general public included—reduce it to a set of superficial stereotypes in a process of thought-less, uncritical simplification. Hees uses this term more specifically to describe the ways in which “Saidian interpretations” of Orientalism are themselves examples of Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Heehs, 2003; Holliday, et. al., 2010; Wagner, 2003.

See also: Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Reflexive Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term, also called self-reflexive Orientalism, in one of two very different ways. First, most scholars who this term use it to name the insight that, historically, ideological Orientalism is a like a mirror that reveals more about the nature of the Orientalist than the Oriental, for example when Orientalists fixate on the supposed sexual practices of Arab “potentates” or the supposedly violent nature of “the Arab.” Second, some scholars use reflexive Orientalism as another term for self-Orientalism, that is the acceptance by “Orientals” of ideological Orientalist descriptions of themselves. In this sense, reflexive Orientalism can also fall under the category of reverse Orientalism, by which “Orientals” transform ideological Orientalist prejudices against them into positive categories. What Orientalists consider to be “backward,” for example, is embraced as being the true national identity of the “Oriental”.

Sources & Examples: Shih, 2003; Walsh, 2001; Waterman, 1996.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Regional Orientalism

This term is very rarely used. When scholars do use it, they do so usually in passing to refer to the notion of Orientalism as it applies to a particular geographical area of the world, a continent, or a nation. When used with nations or other smaller political units, a regional Orientalism may be a form of internal Orientalism and/or of local Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Swamy, 2013; Vahtikari, 2017.

See also: Internal Orientalism, Local Orientalism.

Relational Orientalism

Scholars very rarely use this term, but those few who do use it do so on the premise that the experience of being treated as an Other involves a relationship between those who construct the Other and the Others who are so constructed. In this relationship, Orientalist habits of mind (for example, stereotyping and essentializing the Other) are passed on so that those subjected to Orientalist stereotyping in turn stereotype their own Others. Such relationships usually occur at the margins (or on the periphery) of Orientalism. For example, having been the objects of Orientalist stereotyping themselves, black and brown minorities in the United States engage in the stereotyping of their own set of Others. Relational Orientalism is thus an element of self-Orientalism or reverse Orientalism and is closely related to peripheral Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Maira, 2008: Nasreddine, 2011; Seetoo, 2013.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Peripheral Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Religious Orientalism

Scholars use this term normally to describe all of those Orientalist discourses and practices concerning religion both as an object of concern and as a medium of expression. Some suggest that Christianity is one of the key sources of Western ideological Orientalism and was its dominant form into the 18th and 19th centuries. Some scholars argue that religious Orientalist themes are still embedded covertly in more recent forms of secular Orientalism. Religious Orientalist forms and practices can be expressed negatively as prejudices against an “inferior” religion or more positively, seeing in Oriental religions a “superior” or more “spiritual” religion. In both cases, those religions are seen in dualistic, ideological terms that imagine the Other as having a knowable essence.

Sources & Examples: Chan, 2009; Emerson, 2008; Kalmar, 2005; Molendijk, 2000; Pick, 2012; Poole, 2002.

See also: Baha'i Orientalism, Biblical Orientalism, Buddhist Orientalism, Christian Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Early Modern Orientalism, Evangelical Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Missionary Orientalism, Old Testament Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Pre-modern Orientalism, Renaissance Orientalism, Secular Orientalism, Spiritual Orientalism, Theological Orientalism, Vernacular, Orientalism, Weberian Orientalism.

Renaissance Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the ways European writers, artists, travellers, academics, and others imagined and constructed Asian peoples in the period of early Orientalism. They seldom, however, give concrete dates for the European Renaissance, which is widely understood to fall in the period from 1300 to 1700, give or take. By and large, scholars of Renaissance Orientalism tend to focus on the later Renaissance, particularly when the Ottoman Empire posed a serious threat to Europe. Even for that period, not a few scholars question the relevance of Edward Said’s (1978) notion of Orientalism arguing that there is little evidence during the Renaissance of ideological, dualistic stereotypes of “the Turk” or other Asian peoples. The consensus among those who use this term, however, seems to be that it is applicable within limits, especially understanding that the notion itself changes over time. During the Renaissance, then, there was a mixed attitude about the East by which scholars, artists, and others imagined and constructed it to be both threatening and alluring, heathen (infidel) and a source of learning and scholarship—at once, evil and exotic. Christian categories including images and attitudes from the Crusades were still dominant, but ancient Greek and Roman prejudices were also influential. Scholars note that in the Renaissance era the fundamental political-power relationship between the East (Ottoman Empire) and Europe was more balanced and reciprocal than it was later in the era of European colonialism. They also note that although the image of the Turk dominated those relationships, Europeans tended to see “dark-skinned” Eastern peoples in much the same light as they did the Ottoman Turks. In the arts, especially painting, scholars find this same mixed picture of negative and more balanced representations of Eastern, again especially Turkish, peoples. An example of the more benign images is Gentile Bellini’s, Sultan Mehmed II (1480), seen here. [revised 7/17]

Sources & Examples: Alhawamdeh, 2013; Aravamudan, 2012; Birnbaum, 2006; Kalmar, 2012; Hermes, 2014; Hosford, & Wojtkowski, 2010; Lim, 2010; Parlak, 2017; Said, 1978.

See also: Ancient Orientalism, Early Orientalism, Early Modern Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Racial Orientalism, Religious Orientalism.

Re-Orientalism (ReOrientalism). See Self-Orientalism.

Resurgent Orientalism

Scholars normally use this term in one of two closely related ways, neither of which are intended to be a technical usage. First and most broadly, they use it to describe periods during the era of classical Orientalism when in various times and places ideological Orientalism became again prominent after a period when it had been less evident. Second and more narrowly, scholars use this term to describe their sense that ideological Orientalism has recently re-emerged in the West with renewed force. They assign various dates and events, notably 9/11, to this phenomenon. Although a few scholars explicitly relate this usage to the term new Orientalism, the widespread use of the term resurgent Orientalism raises the question of whether or not new Orientalism is actually new.

Sources & Examples: Chowdhury, 2009; Eldem, 1999; Koefoed & Simonsen, 2007; Li, 2014; Taylor, 2007.

See also: Classical Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, New Orientalism.

Retro-Orientalism

Scholars have used this rarely used term in one of three different ways. First, some use it to describe the uses of supposedly old-fashioned “Oriental” themes or images in art and literature. Second, other scholars use this term to describe Asian ideological self-Orientalist discourses and practices that imagine other Asians as inferior in ways that mimic or parallel Western Orientalist prejudices. Third, Sean Golden uses this term to describe Asian discourses that employ ideological Orientalist discourses ironically or parody them as a strategy for undermining Orientalist prejudice itself.

Sources & Examples: Buckley, 2000; Chae, 2008; Golden, 2009.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Reverse Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally in one of three distinct ways. First, some use it to describe situations in which “Orientals” embrace and idealize their Otherness thus transforming ideological Orientalist prejudices and ways of imagining reality against them into positives. Asians, for example, thus imagine their being Asian as being essentially and distinctively “spiritual” and thus superior to the West. In this sense, reverse Orientalism is very much akin to both self-Orientalism and positive Orientalism and can be synonymous with inverse Orientalism. Second, other scholars use this term to describe Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices that that imagine the Other as being essentially superior. Western academics, for example, may thus imagine Asian spirituality as being inherently superior to Western religiosity. Third, still other scholars use this term to describe commercial discourses that re-brand “Oriental” products to make them more acceptable to Western markets. The marketing of Buddhism as “spiritual” in the West is an example. In this third sense, this term is used as a synonym for commercial Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Alatas, 2001; Faure, 1993; Heine, 2008; Ives, 2001; Johnson, 2014; Kikuchi, 2004; Kumar, 2014; Mitchell, 2004; Wixted, 1989.

See also: Affirmative Orientalism, Colonial Orientalism, Constructive Orientalism, Hybrid Orientalism, Inverse Orientalism, Indigenous Orientalism, Indological Orientalism, Irish Orientalism, Kemalist Orientalism, Native Orientalism (Contemporary usage), Nesting Orientalism, Ontological Orientalism, Oriental Renaissance, Political Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Reactionary Orientalism, Reflexive Orientalism, Secondary Orientalism, Second Order Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Social Orientalism, Sporting Orientalism, Strategic Orientalism, Transorientalism, Zen Orientalism.

Revisionist Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in one of two ways. First, some scholars use it in passing to describe attempts to revise or undermine Edward Said’s critique of Orientalism. Second and more rarely, a few scholars use this term to refer to Said’s own revision of the meaning of Orientalism. In the first usage, Said is the object of revision; in the second, he is the revisionist.

Sources & Examples: Boone, 2014; Farber, 2011; Marcus, 1992; Steffen, 2001.

See also: Saidian Orientalism.

Roman Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the complex mixture of attitudes that ancient Rome held regarding the East. Not all scholars, however, agree that the notion of Orientalism can be legitimately applied to those attitudes, and most of those who feel that it can also recognize it limitations. Scholars today reject the simplistic, ideological descriptions of “Roman Orientalism” of 19th and early 20th century Orientalists, who imagined that the Romans thought that Orientals had a uniform, essential, and unchanging nature that contributed to the decline of the Roman Empire. Modern scholars generally acknowledge the Romans had a mixed view of the East, one that changed over the centuries as it mixed elements of admiration and disdain. “The East” was primarily Egypt and Parthia. Roman literature and iconography indicate that at times Egypt, in particular, was admired as an important source of spiritual and religious influence; but it was also seen as being effeminate, licentious, and disorderly as opposed to Roman masculinity, sense of order, and practicality. More largely, Romans saw the East as containing both friends and foes, and eventually it comprised an important part of the Empire and had significant influence on it. While the Romans were influenced to a degree by Greek attitudes towards the “barbarians” who lived to the East and were a constant threat to Greece, Rome also acknowledge Troy as part of its foundational heritage—which brings scholars full circle back to the mixed, non-ideological, and shifting ways the Romans viewed the East and underscores the limitations of the notion of Roman Orientalism itself.

Sources & Examples: Armstrong, 2007; Al-Azmeh, 2011, 2013; Fowden, 1986; Harris, n.d.; Jackson, 2014; Lim, 2006; Pocok, 1988; Said, 1978; Schneider, 2010, 2012; Wyke, 2009.

See also: Ancient Orientalism, Greek Orientalism (Ancient).

Romantic Orientalism

Scholars use this term in a variety of ways, and the meaning of the term can be as difficult to define precisely as the notion of “Romanticism” itself. Dating from roughly the late 18th century through the 19th century and even beyond, Romantic Orientalisms, according to scholars, tended to be of two varieties, one expressing more of a fascination with and attraction to the Orient and the other disgust with it. Elements of these two tendencies could be mixed in the same discourses. Those who rejected the Orient saw it as superstitious, backward, despotic, and generally dangerous. Those who were attracted to the Orient saw it as spiritual, mystical, and the hope of the West. In both of these tendencies, the Orient was held up as the mirror image of the West, essentially different to it whether superior or inferior (or a combination of both). Scholars tend to use this term as a synonym for the classical Orientalism of the Romantic Era.

Sources & Examples: Chakravarty, 2005; Jönson, & Magnusson, 2001; Kalmar, 2005; Kalmar & Penslar, 2005; King, 1999b; Leask, 1992; Meyer, 1991; Uždavinys, 2005.

See also: Abstract Orientalism, Affirmative Orientalism, Anthropological Orientalism, Byronic Orientalism, Celticism, Classical Orientalism, Desert Orientalism, Dialogical Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, False Orientalism, Hegelian Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Jewish Orientalism, Levantine Orientalism, Literary Orientalism, Magical Orientalism, Oriental Renaissance, Orientalist Exotica, Orientalist Exoticism, Poetic Orientalism, Pseudo-Orientalism, Soft Orientalism, Subversive Orientalism, Sympathetic Orientalism, Zionist Orientalism.

Russian Orientalism

This term is used in both a general and a specific sense. In the general sense, scholars use it to refer to all the various aspects of the notion of Orientalism as they relate to Russia down to the present including, specifically: (a) the Soviet era (ca. 1920-1990), which is more often referred to as, Soviet Orientalism; and (b) the Russian academic study of the Orient, usually called, Orientology. In the more specific sense, scholars use this term to describe the notion of Orientalism in the historical eras preceding and following the Soviet era, and they distinguish “Orientology” from “Orientalism”. In this sense, they use this term in at least two ways. First, scholars use it to describe the ways in which Russians collectively and culturally have imagined and constructed Asians, most notably those who inhabit Russia’s Asian territories. That being said, scholars wrestle with the applicability of Edward Said’s notion of ideological Orientalism to Russian attitudes towards “Orientals,” including especially “their own” Asians within Russia’s boundaries. Most scholars argue to one degree or another that Russian Orientalism is distinctive because of its geographical and cultural location on the boundaries of Europe and Asia, which is supposed to leave Russia in an ambivalent situation. It is thought to be aware of and value its Asian heritage and have an intimate relationship with Asia unlike the nations of Western Europe. It is also resents the prejudices other Europeans have again Russia because it seems to be “so Oriental.” Russian scholars, artists, writers, political writers, and the social and cultural elites generally thus show a distinctive appreciation for the Orient that moderates Orientalist prejudices. At the same time, however, scholars point out that Euro-Russian cultural attitudes about Asians have historically been deeply influenced by Western Europe, particularly France. The Russian government at various times has also dealt very harshly with its Asian subjects, and Russian racist prejudices towards them and other Asians are often indistinguishable from the Western ideological Orientalism. Different scholars express different positions, in sum, on how “Saidian” Russian Orientalism is depending on which Russian Orientalism they focus on and the weight they give to the supposed distinctiveness of Russia’s situation vis-à-vis Western Europe. Russian arts and literature reflect both an appreciation of Russia’s supposed “Asian-ness” and Orientalist prejudices concerning Asia, as seen for example in the 1868 painting, “After Failure” (illustrated here) by Vasilyevich Vereshchagin (1842-1904) Second, scholars also use this term to describe the ways in which Western Europeans and others imagine and construct Russia as being only marginally European and therefore inferior to the “real” Europe. It is, thus, seen as being essentially and irredeemably backward, Oriental-like, despotic and expansionist, militaristic, bizarre and exotic, and lacking in rationality. Russians are supposedly immoral, given to sensuality, drunken, and lazy. Scholars note that Western scholars often make untested, negative assumptions about Russia and treat it with an unscholarly bias.

Sources & Examples: Bracci, 2012; Brown, 2010; Hope, 2003; Issiyeva, 2016; Knight, 2000(a); Knight, 2002; Lazzerini, 1994; Osipova, 2012; Pavlov, 2016; Morrison, 2009; Schimmelpenninck van der Oye, 2010; Taki, 2011; Tlostanova, 2008.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Orientology, Marxist Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Soviet Orientalism, Socialist Orientalism.


S

Saidian Orientalism

“Saidian Orientalism” is the description of traditional Orientalism, also often called classical Orientalism, contained in Edward Said’s groundbreaking and controversial book, Orientalism (1978) and elaborated upon in further of his works. Orientalism, according to Said, is a centuries-old traditional body of knowledge created by Western scholars and others who are considered experts on the Orient. He argues that this unified, international body of knowledge imagines and constructs Orientals as being uncivilized, unprogressive, immoral, passive, emotional, sensual, and otherwise unsavory. This body of knowledge is embodied in scholarly and other “discourses,” a selection of which he submits to critical scrutiny. He also argues that European policies and actions toward Orientals are a part of these Orientalist discourses. At points, Said contends that there is no real or actual “Orient”; it is merely a "mythical" discourse invented by Europeans on the basis of their hereditary fear of the Arab people and of Islam. At other times, however, Said assumes that there is a real Orient and passionately condemns the ways in which coercive, aggressive, and oppressive Orientalists have misrepresented it. The West has used this Orientalist body of knowledge, he argues, as a tool for establishing and expanding Western power in Asia; Orientalism is thus an ideological tool of Western colonialism and imperialism. Saidian Orientalism differs from ideological Orientalism in that many other scholars have significantly elaborated upon and to a degree modified Said’s foundational description of the notion of Orientalism. Said himself often used the term Islamic Orientalism to refer to what other scholars understand to be, "Said's Orientalism."

Sources & Examples: Swanson, 2004.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Affirmative Orientalism, Anti-Islamic Orientalism, Anti-Semitic Orientalism, Arcticality, Binary Orientalism, Blatant Orientalism, Borealism, Canadian Orientalism, Cartographical Orientalism, Celticism, Christian Orientalism, Classical Orientalism, Contemporary Orientalism, Critical Orientalism, Crude Orientalism, Earlly Modern Orientalism, Ethnocentric Orientalism, Global Orientalism, Greek Orientalism, Hard Orientalism, Historical Orientalism, Humanistic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Indological Orientalism, Interntional Orientalism, Islamic Orientalism, Legal Orientalism, Mainstream Orientalism, Male Orientalism, Naïve Orientalism, New Orientalism, Old Orientalism, Orientalism Theory, Orientalist Projection(s), Orientology, Orthodox Orientalism, Patronizing Orientalism, Philological Orientalism, Primary Orientalism, Reductive Orientalism, Russian Orientalism, Theoretical Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism, Tropicality, Subversive Orientalism, Visual Orientalism.

Saidian Theory of Orientalism. See Orientalism Theory.

Sapien Orientalism. See Animal Orientalism.

Sarmatian Orientalism

Scholars use this rarely used term generally to describe a non-ideological form of Polish Orientalism found especially among the noble classes from the 16th to the 18th centuries by which those classes emulated various elements of Turkish and Armenian material cultures, especially in dress and personal appearance. This was a distinctive form of Orientalism apparently unrelated to the Western European traditions of ideological Orientalism, and was imagined to be rooted in Poland's hereditary historical connections with the Sarmatians, an Indo-Iranian tribe.

Sources & Examples: Donmanska, 2004; Kieniewicz, 1984.

See also: Cosmopolitan Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Sartorial Orientalism.

Sartorial Orientalism

Scholars have used this term to describe ideological Orientalist discourses expressed in the advertising and wearing of garments that are imagined to represent an exotic, chic "Asian" style (e.g. turbans).

Sources & Examples: Comstock-Skipp, 2011; Howell, 2013.

See also: Cultural Orientalism, Fashion Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Limited Orientalism, Transorientalism.

Scandinavian Orientalism

Jón Yngvi Jóhannsson is credited with coining this term. Scholars use it in one of three ways to describe the particular ways in which Scandinavian scholars and other Scandinavians have imagined and constructed (Oriental) Others. First, some focus on the relationship of Iceland to Denmark as a complex relationship in which Danish scholars have historically treated Iceland as an essential Other that represented Denmark's own ideal, imagined past. They note that this is not a form of Saidian Orientalism, although it shares some characteristics with that Orientalism. Second, others use this term to describe the ways in which Scandinavian nations, especially Denmark, have indirectly framed the exotic Orient as a medium for developing their national identities and for adapting to modernism. They have done this by depending on other European nations, notably France and Britain, to mediate their vision of the exotic—this because of their own position on the periphery of Europe. Scandinavian Orientalism’s imagination of Orientals thus depended on a ternary relationship (Scandinavian Self – French or British medium – Oriental Other) rather than the usual Orientalist binary relationship (European Self – Oriental Other). In all of this, scholars have devoted most of their attention to Denmark and Iceland. Elisabeth Oxfeldt has expanded this focus to include Norway in her use of the closely related term of Nordic Orientalism. Third, this term is also used to describe Scandinavian aesthetic/artistic themes and styles considered to be “Oriental” and exotic.

Sources & Examples: Borgreen, 2016; Ellenberger, 2009; Jóhannsson, 2000; Lewis, 2006; Oxfeldt, 2005; Sanberg, 2003.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Arctic Orientalism, Arcticality, Borealism, Finnish Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Swedish Orientalism.

Scholarly Orientalism. See Academic Orientalism.

Scholastic Orientalism. See Academic Orientalism.

Scientific Orientalism

Previously, scholars normally used this term in a neural, descriptive way to describe the organized, academic study of the Orient including the institutions, journals, and other agencies of that study. Since Edward Said’s, Orientalism (1978), they have used this term to describe the entire body of scholarship and scholarly agencies that perpetuate the prejudices of Western ideological Orientalism. More broadly, any field of study or group of academics that classify the Other (e.g. women, Africans) as essentially inferior and claims to know the Other better than the Other knows themselves may be considered as engaging in "scientific" Orientalist thinking.

Sources & Examples: Dallmayr, 1996; Isin, 2014; Harding, 1998; Kelley, 2002; Montet, 1903; Scherrer, 2013.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Arcticality, Classical Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Tropicality.

Scottish Orientalism

Scholars most frequently use this term to refer to the philosophical-historical views of a group of late 18th century and earlier 19th century Scottish Orientalists, which had their origins in the Scottish Enlightenment. Nearly all of these Orientalists served in various capacities in India or were otherwise closely related to colonial India and were influenced by and many of them studied under either Dugald Stewart (1753-1828) or John Millar (1735-1801). Quite a few of them were clergy and their thinking was influential among Scottish missionaries in India and elsewhere. The historian, William Robertson (1721-1793), was a notable exponent of Scottish Orientalism. That Orientalism emphasized the importance of research, especially historical research as well as philology initially. Most of these Orientalists believed that societies progress through four stages of development from primitive to civilized. While Western Europe marked the highest stage of development, they generally believed that India, especially ancient India, had achieved a high level civilization in many ways the equal of Europe. They, as a consequence, often supported colonial policies that encouraged Indians to participate in their own development and relied on indigenous social and political structures to that end. While generally holding to a relatively positive Orientalism, the Scottish Orientalist still treated India—and other Oriental nations—as being made up of essentially exotic peoples, and they tended to see modern-day India as having devolved from its past glories. Most of them believed that they could imagine and reconstruct India’s ancient civilization both from their research in India and their supposed knowledge of the stages of social development, which they held to be the same for all civilizations. They also tended to take a paternalistic attitude toward India, justifying British imperialism as being necessary to India’s reclaiming its past. Many Scottish colonialists, including missionaries, continued to share these views to the end of the 19th century in India and in other colonial settings. While scholars have directed the bulk of their attention to this 19th century form of Scottish Orientalism, others argue that Scottish attitudes about the Orient more generally differed little if at all from the ideological Orientalism typical of Western Europe and Britain. James Mill (1773-1836), notably, shared much of the Scottish Orientalists' understanding of history but unlike most of them saw India in a more negative, less glorious light. Nor does the earlier 19th century philosophical-historical Orientalism represent the whole of Scottish Orientalism. Edward W. Said (1978), thus cites the 20th century Scottish Orientalist, H. A. R. Gibb (1895-1971), as an example of an Orientalist scholar exhibiting what for Said are egregious Orientalist prejudices. This term is also used, if far less frequently, to describe Scottish literary authors and artists, mostly painters, who take their themes from the Orient—again primarily in the 19th century. Among the painters, David Roberts (1796-1864) was particularly well known, and his painting, Temple of Philae, Nubia, is illustrated here.

Sources & Examples: Bayly, 2016; Chen, 2000; Constable, 2007; Koditschek, 2011; MacKenzie, 2017; McCarthy & Devine, 2017; Rendall, 1982; Said, 1978; Watt, 2004.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Aesthetic Orientalism, Enlightenment Orientalism, Humanistic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Philological Orientalism, Philosophical Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Sympathetic Orientalism.

Screen Orientalism. See Cinematic Orientalism.

Seaside Orientalism

Although not rare, scholars use this term only to a limited degree; and nearly all of those who use it cite Fred Gray’s, Designing the Seaside (2006), as their primary source. According to Gray, “seaside Orientalism” is an architectural form of aesthetic Orientalism that originated in England beginning in 1815 when John Nash designed Brighton’s Royal Pavilion for King George IV (then the Prince Regent), which is illustrated here. In his design, Nash employed supposedly Oriental-like ornamental themes including turban domes, decorative cast iron work, and tall pinnacles to create a sense of splendor, grandeur, and exoticness. By the 1870s, other resorts in Britain and elsewhere began copying the seaside Orientalism of the Royal Pavilion, which included not only pavilions but also bandstands, shelters, gardens, and other structures. Gray notes that where enjoyment of seaside Orientalism was previously limited mostly to the wealthy, after the 1870s it become more widely popular and remained so into the early 20th century. He also observes that while the designers and builders of British seaside Orientalism did not intend to make ideological statements with their Orientalist architecture, in fact, it still symbolized to a degree imperial Britain’s might and global sway. Gray and a very few other scholars also use the term pleasure-pier Orientalism to refer to this exotic seaside entertainment phenomenon.

Sources & Examples: Dobraszczyk, 2014; Gray, 2006.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Commercial Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Popular Orientalism.

Secondary Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally in one of two contradictory ways to describe "secondary" forms or orders of Orientalism that are reactions to a "primary" form of ideological Orientalism. First, this term is most often identified with Bernard Faure and describes a form of Orientalism that imagines the (Oriental) Other in generally positive terms. It is often found in the discourses of Asian scholars who both reject and invert the values and attitudes of Western Orientalism. In this usage, this term is synonymous with inverse Orientalism and reverse Orientalism. Jennifer Lee sees a similar form of secondary Orientalism, which she calls critical Orientalism, in the fairly widespread self-critical writings of a school of European Orientalists. Second, this term is infrequently used to describe the adaptation of ideological Orientalism to the strategic ideological needs of a particular nation or culture considered "Oriental" by others. Thus Russia, for example, historically used its own forms of Orientalism to imagine its colonies as backward and inferior at the same time that Western European Orientalist discourses portrayed Russia itself as backward and inferior. This form of secondary Orientalism is more commonly called double Orientalism, and some other scholars use the term nesting (nested) Orientalism to describe the same phenomenon.

Sources & Examples: : Alatas, 2001; Bain-Selbo, 2005; Faure, 1993; Faure, 1998; Faure, 2004; Tlostaova, 2008; Yee, 2016.

See also: Double Orientalism, Inverse Orientalism, Nesting Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Primary Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Second Order Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Second-degree Orientalism

Scholars use this term only infrequently and in one of at least four different ways. First, Bernard Faure has used it to describe situations in which “Orientals” overtly reject Orientalist prejudices, which prejudices still exercise a covert influence on them. In this sense, second-degree Orientalism is a form of hidden Orientalism similar to banal Orientalism. This is the most common usage of this term. Second, Otavio Velho has used this term to describe the situation in which Portuguese Orientalizers were themselves seen as “Oriental” Others by other European nations. In this usage, second-degree Orientalism is similar to secondary Orientalism (second usage). Third, Terrol R. Williams has used this term to describe situations in which non-Asians are treated as Orientals. Fourth, Pedro S. Pereira has used this term in situations where Orientalist discourses are mimicked as a form of parody.

Sources & Examples: Alpert, 2016; Faure, 2004; Pereira, 2013; Velho, 2009; Williams, 2007.

See also: Banal Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Secondary Orientalism, Second Order Orientalism.

Second-hand (Second Hand) Orientalism

This term seems to have been first used in the 1875 Encyclopedia Britannica article, “American Literature,” written by John Nichol, who described 19th century American Transcendentalism as, among other things, “raking among the tangled roots and dead leaves of a second-hand Orientalism.” It is not widely used by scholars today. When they do use it, they generally use it in one of two ways. First and somewhat in the tradition of the Britannica article, a few scholars use this term to describe what amounts to a form of covert Orientalism by which somewhat innocuous Orientalist influences seep into the ways in which second-hand Orientalists imagine and construct “the Orient.” Moisés Park, thus, sees a second-hand Orientalism being expressed in Chilean martial arts films. A few other scholars have used the most common meaning of the term indirect Orientalism in the same way. Second and more often, some scholars use this term to describe what is more commonly called, second order Orientalism, which is a form of self-Orientalism. In this usage, “Orientals” embrace and employ as their own Western Orientalist images and constructions of them.

Sources & Examples: Jo, 2013; Kurtz, 1988; [Nichol], Encyclopedia Britannica, 1875; Park, Moisés, 2010.

See also: Covert Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Indirect Orientalism, Second Order Orientalism, Self Orientalism.

Second Order (Second-order) Orientalism

Scholars using this term frequently attribute it to Edward W. Said’s book,Orientalism (1978), although the term is not found there as such. Said, however, does describe ways in which Arabs have themselves have accepted Orientalist thinking and attitudes about themselves. He describes this phenomenon as being “second-order analyses by Arabs” of myths about themselves. Other scholars thus use this term to describe the ways in which the attitudes, values, and ways of thinking of colonial Orientalism, mediated by colonial institutions, deeply influenced peoples living under Western colonialism so that they came to think of themselves as having an unchanging essence defined vis-à-vis the West itself. Second order Orientalism is thus a form of covert Orientalism and self-Orientalism. Some scholars also note that nationalist movements in colonies such as India were among those most likely to accept Orientalist thinking, which they reshaped to their own purposes. On occasion, scholars use this term in reference to nations that were never formally colonized, such as Japan, but still have been influenced by Western Orientalist attitudes about them.

Sources & Examples:; Lal, 2012; Maira, 2007; Moisés Park, 2016; Said, 1978.

See also: Colonial Orientalism, Covert Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Nationalist Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Secondary Orientalism, Second-degree Orientalism, Second-hand Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Secular Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally in one of two ways. First and more generally, they use it to describe non-religious elements and factors in the development of ideological Western Orientalism from earlier times. These elements and factors stood over against or were in simple contrast to religious Orientalism; and they included, for example, the gradual rejection of biblical categories in imagining the (Oriental) Other. Second, some scholars use this term to describe Edward Said’s interpretation of Orientalism, which they think ignores religion almost entirely making his a highly secularized interpretation.

Sources & Examples: Baddar, 2010; Bar-Yosef, 2004; Green, 2015; Bualtieri, 1991; Ouji, 2015.

See also: Biblical Orientalism, Evangelical Orientalism, Modern Orientalism, Religious Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Sociological Orientalism.

Self-Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually to describe situations in which (Oriental) Others imagine and construct for themselves an essential, unchanging identity that in terms of ideological Orientalism. Asians, thus, have employed self-Orientalism to market certain products globally by playing to Orientalist images and themes. Self-orientalism is often termed auto-Orientalism and occasionally called re-Orientalism or ReOrientalism. James G. Carrier has labeled it as ethno-Orientalism, and David Neil Geraghty terms it divergent Orientalism. The most extreme form of self-Orientalism is self-imposed Orientalism, which takes place when the objects of Orientalist prejudices affirm those prejudices as being accurate descriptions of their nation and/or culture. Self-Orientalism is closely related to the first meaning of reverse Orientalism, but scholars often use self-Orientalism in a less positive, more ambivalent sense by which “Orientals” embrace the prejudices directed against their nation or culture as being to some degree deserved and true. In this sense, it is sometimes termed complicit Orientalism. The distinction between the first usage of reverse Orientalism and self-Orientalism is, however, a fine one, and it is often difficult to see much difference between them.

Sources & Examples: Carrier, 1992; Geraghty, 2014; Golden, 2009; Komel, 2014; Lau, 2009; Lindstrom, 1995; Marks, 2003; Mazzarella, 2003; Yan & Santos, 2009; Yang, 2011.

See also: Affirmative Orientalism, Brown Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, External Orientalism, Franchised Orientalism, Global Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Indigenous Orientalism, Internalized Orientalism, Legal Orientalism, Nesting Orientalism, Native Orientalism (Contemporary usage), Oriental Orientalism, Orientalist Exotica, Orientalist Exoticism, Reflexive Orientalism, Relational Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Second-hand Orientalism, Second Order Orientalism, Systemic Orientalism, Tourist Orientalism.

Self-imposed Orientalism. See Self-Orientalism.

Self-reflexive Orientalism. See Reflexive Orientalism.

Semitic Orientalism

Scholars used this term in the 19th century and well into the 20th century to refer to that branch of the scholarly study of Asia (“Orientalism”) that studied “Semitic” languages, cultures, religions, and races. Modern-day scholars continue to use this term, also known as Islamic Orientalism and classical Orientalism, usually to describe that field of study. While it was and is generally recognized that “Semitic” means both Arabs and Jews, some scholars use this term specifically to refer to one or the other. It was this branch of Orientalism that Edward Said analyzed in his book, Orientalism (1978), making it the model for his description of Saidian Orientalism and, thus, the starting point for the wider-ranging modern-day study of ideological Orientalisms in all their many and various forms.

Sources & Examples: Brigham, 2013; Feinstein, 2007; Hochberg, 2016; Hammerbeck, 2003; Lele, 1993; Montet, 1916; Said, 1995 [1987]; Turner, 2004.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Anti-Islamic Orientalism, Anti-Semitic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Islamic OrientalismJewish Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Scientific Orientalism.

Sentimental Orientalism

Scholars use this term normally to describe paternalistic or maternalistic discourses that imagine and construct an (Oriental) Other affectionately, defining the Other as being essentially inferior, usually attractive, and at times as needing care. Scholars sometimes link sentimental Orientalism to romantic Orientalism or homoerotic Orientalism; and Cold War Orientalism may be considered a related, parallel form of sentimental Orientalist discourse.

Sources & Examples: Alter, 2000; Ellis, 2005; Glassmeyer, 2008, 2012; Liebelt, 2008; Zakim, 2006.

See also: Cold War Orientalism, Homoerotic Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.

Sexist Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to describe the ways in which “Oriental” women, primarily Middle Eastern women, are constructed as being essentially exotic, mysterious, and sensual—often accompanied by images that recall the harem and the veil as symbols of their sensuality. They use it most often with reference to the arts, especially the performance arts including ballet, dancing, and films; and this emphasis distinguishes it from the otherwise very similar term, sexual Orientalism. Frequently, scholars will pair this term with the term racist as “racist/sexist Orientalism”; and at other times they refer to “sexist/orientalist” characteristics, suggesting that sexism and Orientalism are members of the same “family” of prejudices.

Sources & Examples: O’Donnell, 2004; Shahadi, 2008: Skinazi, 2007; Solomon, 2013.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Blatant Orientalism, Feminist Orientalism, Gendered Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism.

Sexual Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to describe the use of sexuality and eroticism as media for expressing Orientalist prejudices. For sexual Orientalists, the Other is usually Asian women who are represented as “typical” examples of Oriental societies and cultures. The harem is a favorite metaphor of sexual Orientalism. It speaks to the assumed mysterious, exotic, male-dominated, enslaved, hierarchical essence of the East. This is in contrast to the West, which is taken to be modern, sexually liberated, and democratic. At times, scholars of sexual Orientalism focus on sexual relations directly, such as relationships between Asian women and Caucasian men. More generally, however, they focus on the assumed superiority of the West to the Orient, as seen in matters of gender, sex, and the erotic. Generally, scholars do not use this term to include homosexuality and homoeroticism, some use the term erotic Orientalism as a synonym for sexual Orientalism, and this term is similar in usage to sexist Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Dubish, 1995; Farrer, 2013; Mepschen, et. al., 2010; Rexroth, 2014; Tlostanova, 2008.

See also: Caribbean Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Feminist Orientalism; Homoerotic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Orientalist Exotica, Orientalist Exoticism, Orientalist Gaze, Pictorial Orientalism, Political Orientalism, Sexist Orientalism, Transorientalism, Visual Orientalism.

Silver Screen Orientalism. See Cinematic Orientalism.

Simian Orientalism

Donna Haraway coined this term, and it has been used relatively widely by other scholars, especially in citing her work. Borrowing from Edward Said, she argues that Western primatologists imagine and construct apes and monkeys to be primitive species that are radically unlike humanity, are trapped in the natural world, and exist without culture, which is a distinguishing mark of humanity. They are, that is, the mirror image, polar opposite of the white, patriarchal, and empowered West from which most primatologists come. At the same time, however, apes and monkeys are also looked upon as revealing human origins, which makes them useful to humanity and invites exploitation of them. Science, particularly primatology, participates in that exploitation by exerting power over other primates. Other scholars have also observed that Western societies frequently compare despised racial and ethnic minorities to apes and monkeys, thus imagining them as being equivalent to the lowest and worst in human beings. It has been noted that Tom Palmore’s 1976 painting, Reclining Nude (seen here), depicts the complex interplay between the human Orientalist “gaze” directed at other primates and the reality of their return gaze, which is very different from what humans imagine it to be.

Sources & Examples: Goodeve, 1999; Haraway, 1998; Prins, 1995; Salih, 2007; Schneider, 2005, Vint, 2010.

See also: Animal Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Scientific Orientalism, Tropicality.

Sinological Orientalism

Sinology was traditionally a scholarly discipline devoted to the study of China and, as such, a branch of Orientalism, the study of the East. Scholars note, however, that it was a somewhat peripheral and idiosyncratic branch especially in comparison to Indology; and there has been a debate among scholars whether Edward W. Said’s arguments in his book, Orientalism (1978) are even relevant to China and its study. Some scholars, particularly Norman J. Girardot, have noted that 19th century and earlier 20th century Sinological Orientalism was based on certain universalizing traditions, including Protestant missionary thinking, which emphasized the essential sameness of the Chinese and Europeans—unlike traditional (or Saidian) Orientalism and ideological Orientalism, which is premised on essential dissimilarities. Similar to those Orientalisms, however, China was still seen as being backward and heathen, just not irredeemably so. After the rise of Communism in 1949, scholars, particularly Daniel Vukovich, argue that Sinological orientalism retained this emphasis on essential sameness by imagining and constructing a China that is on the same path of modernization and economic development as the West, but lagging behind in attaining liberal Western values and goals, such as individual freedom. Scholars argue that these Orientalist prejudices are widely shared in China today, making Sinological Orientalism a form of self-Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Biltsen, 2016; Chen, 2016; Dirardot, 2001; Leese, 2004; Varn, 2013; Vukovich, 2012.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Economic Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Indological Orientalism, Internalized Orientalism, Missionary Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Social Orientalism

Scholars normally use this term, broadly, to describe aspects of ideological Orientalism expressed socially, often in distinction to other elements of human life. Edward Said, thus, distinguishes between political, economic, and social Orientalisms. More precisely, scholars use this term to describe the belief that East Asian, specifically Japanese, societies have distinct, essential social and cultural qualities that make them unique among industrialized societies, which has led some East Asian scholars and others to argue that this uniqueness makes their societies superior to the West. These beliefs thus may function in given cases as both internal and reverse Orientalisms.

Sources & Examples: Isherwood, 2003; Moeran, 1997; Oxfeldt, 2005, Said, 1978 [1995]; Thella, 2004, Yulian Wong, 2016.

See also: Cultural Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Self-Orientalism, Welfare Orientalism.

Socialist Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to refer to ideological Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices originating in the Soviet Union and its satellite nations, such as Poland and East Germany. They note that socialist Orientalisms were influenced by earlier Orientalist prejudices in those nations before they became communist. At the same time, however, they were similar to Marxist Orientalism in that they sought to critique and counter ideological Orientalism. Scholars sometimes use the term red Orientalism to refer to socialist Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Bustanov, 2010; Hong, 2015; Kemper, 2010; Kemper, 2015; Lim, 2008; Sadecka, 2015..

See also: Counter-Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Leftist Orientalism, Materialist Orientalism, Marxist Orientalism, Orientology, Russian Orientalism, Soviet Orientalism.

Sociological Orientalism

Associated especially with Engin F. Isin and his study of Max Weber, this term is generally used by scholars to describe those historical and more recent sociological discourses that portray Muslim peoples as being backward, traditional, and inferior to the modern and secular West because of Islam. Scholars argue that these discourses draw on a sociological theory that is itself biased in favor of the West. In recent times sociological Orientalism has contributed to the rise of the so-called, new Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Isin, 2002; Obeid, n.d.; Salvatore, 2011; Turner, 2010.

See also: Academic Orientalism, New Orientalism, Secular Orientalism, Weberian Orientalism.

Soft Orientalism

Scholars generally use this infrequently used term to describe Orientalist discourses, institutions, and practices that imagine a positive Orient, which is often seen as spiritual and wise in contrast to the West. It is Orientalist, however, because it continues to frame the Orient (and Islam with it) as being essentially Other. Some scholars consider Romantic Orientalism to be a form or even the premier form of soft Orientalism. They generally use this term in comparison with and contrast to hard Orientalism, which is its opposite.

Sources & Examples: Gobes & Blumthal, 2015; Kalmar, 2012; Pasha, 2012.

See also: Byronic Orientalism, Hard Orientalism, Philo-Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Sympathetic.

Spiritual Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually to describe the ways in which ideological Orientalists imagine and treat the religious traditions of an Other, often an East Asian (esp. a Buddhist or Hindu) Other, as having an essential, permanent, and transcendent nature, which most often is seen as either being superior to Western traditions or, at least, having something “spiritual” to offer the West. Scholars also use this term to describe the ways in which Protestants, especially English-language speaking Protestants, imagine Catholicism as having an essential, usually negative “Popish” nature.

Sources & Examples: Duncan, 1972; Guillebaud, 201; Haddon, 2014; Samy, 2007; Shapira, 2016.

See also: Dialogic Orientalism, Orientalist Projection(s), Religious Orientalism, Techno-Orientalism, Therapeutic Orientalism.

Split Orientalism

This term originated with Ali Behdad, and he and other scholars use it to describe a dynamic that introduces ambivalence and uncertainty into ideological Orientalist discourses. Certain Orientalists, thus, come to recognize a discrepancy between the Other they imagine and the actual Other, which encourages them to modify their discourses. Even though these modifications may temporarily question Orientalist prejudices, they can also reinforce Orientalist discourses of domination by making them more flexible.

Sources & Examples: Behdad, 1990; Behdad, 1994; Mukhopadhyay, 2008; Nash, 2009.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Soft Orientalism.

Sporting (Sport) Orientalism

This term is used by a very few scholars both to describe, first, the ways in which Western nations have used international sport, such as the Olympic Games, to imagine, construct, and demonstrate their superiority over Asia and second, the ways in which Asian nations have sought to counteract Western Orientalist prejudices, by employing a reverse Orientalism that seeks to demonstrate their athletic abilities in such venues as the Asian Games and thereby reframe the image of Asian sports. This term may also be employed to describe situations where sporting success is used to frame and project images of national, social, or cultural superiority. [revised 6/17]

Sources & Examples: Creak, 2013; Hong, 2005; Hong, 2007.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism.

Strategic Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to two ways. First, the majority use it to describe the various ways in which socially marginalized “Oriental” ethnic and racial minorities transform, often by inverting, the majority Western Orientalist prejudices that frame them as being essentially, irredeemably inferior. Their strategy is to use forms of self-Orientalism to reframe Orientalist ideological Orientalisms; and the goal, most often, is political and/or economic gain. Chinese Americans, for example, have (“strategically”) transformed San Francisco’s Chinatown into a lucrative tourist attraction by imagining and constructing it as an exotic Oriental place. Some scholars have observed that this strategic use of Orientalist categories can backfire by actually intensifying rather than mitigating the prejudices the “Oriental” other experiences. Second, a few scholars use this term to describe ways in which a powerful Orientalist nation or group uses various means (“strategies”) to deal with, limit, and even overcome an Oriental Other. [revised 5/17]

Sources & Examples: Cheng, 2013; Gersdorf, 2009; Leong, 2012; Reddy, 2010; Scherer, 1998; Schmidt, 2014; Wang, 2013; Yeh, 2008.

See also: Economic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Structural Orientalism

This term appears in the literature only occasionally and mostly in passing. Although Arndt Graf uses it to name a historical period in Indonesian history, scholars otherwise generally use this term to describe deeply embedded, often hidden ideological Orientalist values and attitudes that can infect discourses, institutions, and practices that overtly seem unrelated to Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Yu, 2010; Graf, 2011.

See also: Covert Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Subaltern Orientalism

This is a rarely used and relatively recent term, which a few scholars have used to describe the ways by which marginal peoples, who themselves have been treated as being inferior Others, imagine and construct their own essentially inferior Others. Examples of subaltern Orientalism include the Hugo Chavez Venezuelan government’s demonization of the United States and the ways in which Portugal’s political system has empowered some regions at the expense of other, more “Oriental”-like and less “developed” regions. [revised 7/17]

Sources & Examples: da Silva, 2016; Maqableh, 2013; Rochlin, 2014.

See also: Colonial Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Peripheral Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Subconscious Orientalism. See Hidden Orientalism.

Sub-Orientalism

This term is largely used by scholars studying East Asian Orientalisms to describe academic discourses by which the scholars of one East Asian nation, such as Japan, imagine and treat other East Asian peoples and cultures as being inferior to their own nation and culture. These Others may be the people of another East Asian nation or of an internal minority group. The goal of sub-Orientalist academic discourses, institutions, and practices is to compensate for the attention ("gaze") of Western academic Orientalism on one’s own nation and culture by diverting it to an Other that is "really" inferior.

Sources & Examples: Chiu, 1999; Kim, 2014, Lim, 2008.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Oriental Orientalism.

Subversive Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe Western, particularly American, literary uses of Orientalist thinking that call into question traditional Western values, attitudes, and conventions. Historically, authors who engaged in subversive Orientalist writing were often influenced, directly or indirectly, by the Romantic impulse for the exotic, spiritual, imaginative, sensuous, and emotional, which was fueled by the introduction of information and insights gained from the study of the Orient. Such authors could affirm both the superiority of the West overseas and the utility of knowledge of the East at home for questioning traditional thinking and conventions. In the latter half of the 20th century, some authors used Asian religious and spiritual values to challenge Western, again especially American, materialistic, utilitarian attitudes and values. In sum, subversive Orientalism is a form of positive Orientalism or affirmative Orientalism used to subvert inherited Western values and mores often including traditional Orientalism itself. This term is also occasionally applied to other artistic fields, such as music and painting.

Sources & Examples: Harmsworth, 2015; Montgomery, 2006; Rothenberg, 2013; Samy, 1999; Wang, 2006; Yu, 2004.

See also: Affirmative Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Swedish Orientalism

Relatively little work has been done on Swedish Orientalism; that which has been done falls into two broad categories. First, some Swedish scholars argue that the notion of Saidian Orientalism does not apply to traditional and contemporary Swedish orientalist scholarship because Sweden has not been a colonial power and its Orientalists have not exercised power over the East. Second, other scholars argue that in the past Swedish Orientalists did frame “Orientals” as having an essential identity inferior to the West; and more recently Swedes have treated Asian immigrants and others in the same way. These scholars believe that Swedes do participate in Western ideological Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Cavalieratos, 2003; Folkesson, 2011; Omar, 2010.

See also: Borealism, Ideological Orientalism, Scandinavian Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Sympathetic Orientalism

Scholars use this term and the terms, benevolent Orientalism and benign Orientalism, to describe Orientalisms that are thought to display a positive, sincere interest in the (Oriental) Other. These Orientalists tend to be more humane, compassionate, and accepting of the Other; and at their best show little interest in exercising power over the Other for personal benefit while seeking the genuine good of the Other. Most scholars, however, point out that these Orientalisms are seldom truly disinterested and still imagine and construct Orientals as having essential, exotic natures. They most often cherish the ancient, traditional Orient as over against modern Asia, and they frequently construct the Orient as being essentially mystical and spiritual in contrast to the materialistic, industrial West. Scholars argue that at their worst these Orientalisms are naïve, simplistic, paternalistic, self-serving, and in the era of European colonialism usually were complicit with that colonialism. Of these terms, “sympathetic Orientalism” is the most frequently used and “benign Orientalism” is much the less often used. Geoffrey P. Nash uses the otherwise extremely rare term, empathetic Orientalism, in the same sense as sympathetic, benevolent, and benign Orientalisms to describe what he sees as the unusually positive Orientalism of the British (Scottish) diplomat, David Urquhart (1805-1877).

Sources & Examples: Benevolent Orientalism: Burman, 2011; Clayton, 2013; So, 2016. Benign Orientalism: Wegener, 2014. Sympathetic Orientalism: Connery, 1992; Hamdi, 2013; Mutman, 2006; Said, 1978, Wang, 2008. Empathetic Orientalism: Nash, 2005.

See also: Affirmative Orientalism, Constructive Orientalism, Humanistic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Scottish Orientalism, Soft Orientalism.

Systemic Orientalism

Scholars use this rarely used term to describe the ways in which the values, attitudes, and prejudices of ideological Orientalism have been and are deeply embedded in Western-dominated historical/colonial and contemporary global cultural systems. According to Thomas M. McKenna, Richard J. Fox uses the term, “world-systemic orientalism,” in this same way to describe the way in which Orientalist prejudices have become so much a part of world culture that they actually shape the ways in which non-Western peoples understand their own cultures. Systemic Orientalism is thus a context within which self-Orientalisms are created.

Sources & Examples: Lai, P. F., 2014; McKenna, 1998.

See also: Global Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.


T

Techno-Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally in one of two ways. First, they use it to describe ideological Orientalist discourses directed primarily against Japan, which imagine Japan as the essence of a technological, de-personalized society. According to this type of Orientalist thinking, Japan is thus to be feared for its growing dominance over world technology including that of the West. Second, some scholars use this term to describe the use of technological media, including science fiction literature and films for Orientalist discourses. Gamic Orientalism is an example of this second usage and refers specifically to the use of videogames as media for Orientalist discourses. Techno-Orientalism may be considered to be a technological form of pulp Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Corbett, 2009; Goto-Jones, 2015; Kumar, 2012; Lozano-Méndes, 2010; Morley & Robins, 1992; Morley & Robins, 1995.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Cinematic Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Cybernetic Orientalism, Electronic Orientalism, High-tech Orientalism, Postmodern Orientalism, Pulp Orientalism.

Temporal Orientalism

Scholars use this term in one of two contradictory ways. First, following Marinos Pourgouris who originated this term in 2006, some scholars use it to describe the way in which a contemporary Other is measured against and found inferior to an imagined superior past. Modern Greece, for example, is imagined to have degenerated from the high civilization of ancient Greece. Second, some other scholars use this term to describe the ways in which concepts of time are an element in Orientalist constructions of what is seen as a backward, timeless “Other” that is inferior to the modern Self. In the first usage, the past is superior and contemporary Others, successors of the past, are inferior because they have degenerated from the past. In the second usage, the past is inferior and those Others stuck in it are similarly inferior.

Sources & Examples: Barrows, 2011; Carastathis, 2014; Guthrie, 2012; Kowal, 2015; Pourgouris, 2006.

See also: Categorical Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Theatrical (Theatricalized) Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually to describe the ways in which the Western theater embodies ideological Orientalist discourses of the exotic Other in the scripts and staging of plays. Scholars of theatrical Orientalism generally pay particular attention to the aesthetics of staging, which imagines and portrays the Orient as being mysterious, sensuous, exotic, antiquarian, and colorful. Infrequently, a few scholars use the term dramatic Orientalism in much the same way.

Sources & Examples: Borlik, 2011; Khoury, 2013; Moody, 2000; Singleton, 2004; Ziter, 2003.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Musical Orientalism, Operatic Orientalism, Puppet Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism.

Theological Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe and analyze specifically Christian forms of ideological Orientalism that historically go back to medieval times and are couched in theological language. Theological Orientalists typically imagine and construct “Oriental” religions other than Islam as being essentially the same—mystical, spiritual, godless, and unchanging among other traits. Islam is usually viewed more negatively as being supposedly irrational, violent, and ungodly. Theological Orientalisms are often associated with Protestant (often British and American) missionary attitudes towards other religions. This term is not widely used.

Sources & Examples: Clooney, 1990; Helly, 2012; Kalmar, 2012; Muzykina, 2012.

See also: Christian Orientalism, Evangelical Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Learned Orientalism, Missionary Orientalism, Religious Orientalism.

Theoretical Orientalism

Some scholars have used this relatively rare term to describe Western ideological Orientalist discourses as described by Edward Said in his book, Orientalism (1978).

Sources & Examples: Hashimoto, n.d.; Hsu, 2003; Runesson, 2010; Szeman, 2001.

See also: Hard Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Theosophical (theosophical) Orientalism. See Occult Orientalism.

Therapeutic Orientalism

Scholars use this very rarely used term normally to describe the ways in which an essential, exotic Eastern spirituality has been imagined as a cure for the ills of Western civilization.

Sources & Examples: Ferdinand III, 2011; Marchand, 2007.

See also: Medical Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Spiritual Orientalism.

Tourist Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the ways in which tourists and the tourist industry market tourist destinations as being essentially exotic, alluring, and different from the tourist’s ordinary experience—that is, as the “Oriental” Other. Frequently, it is the Other themselves who market themselves as a form of self-Orientalism. This term is rarely used as such by scholars and is used mostly in passing. There is, however, a larger scholarly literature concerning the relationship between ideological Orientalism and tourism.

Sources & Examples: “Down a River of Stories,” 2002; Elsaesser, 2015; Yamada, 2015; Yan & Santos, 2009.

See also: Architectural Orientalism, Caribbean Orientalism, Economic Orientalism, Greek Orientalism (Modern), Ideological Orientalism, Micro-Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Traditional Orientalism

This term is closely associated with the terms, ideological Orientalism and Saidian Orientalism, and is generally used by scholars in several closely related ways. First, they use it to describe a Western field of scholarship dedicated to the study of the “Orient”—including its scholars, academic institutions, international conferences, libraries, associations, and other institutions and actives. Second, they use this term to describe a Western artistic and cultural movement that included painting, architecture, and fashion design among many other things. Third, they use this term to describe a Western way of imagining, constructing, and gaining authority and power over “Oriental” Others, particularly in the Arab Middle East and in the Far East. These Others were believed to have an essential, unchanging nature that was exotic, superstitious, culturally stagnant, threatening yet alluring, spiritual, backward, poverty-stricken but also sumptuous, politically authoritarian, lacking in originality or creativity, and supremely unlike the West. As a historical phenomenon, traditional Orientalism had its roots in late Medieval Europe, came into its own during the age of European colonialism, and ended in the 1940s. Its influence, however, continues, particularly in ideological Orientalism. When scholars use the unadorned term, “Orientalism,” they usually mean traditional Orientalism but in association with ideological orientalism and, to a lesser extent, Saidian Orientalism. Most scholars associate this term with European colonialism, Western ideological domination, and a set of accompanying, prejudices; but there are still some who see Orientalism to be an honorable field of scholarly endeavor.

Sources & Examples: Abdel-Malek, 1963; Bukay, David, 2007; Khalidi, 2006; Kolluoglu-Kirli, 2003; Nanquiette , 2009; Said, 1995 [1978]; Wagenaar, 2016.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Aesthetic Orientalism, Binary Orientalism, Canadian Orientalism, Classical Orientalism, Global Orientalism, Historical Orientalism, >b>Ideological Orientalism, Indological Orientalism, Institutional Orientalism, Orientalism Theory, Saidian Orientalism, Sinological Orientalism, tTopicality.

Transorientalism

Adam Geczy coined this otherwise rarely used term to describe the multifaceted, reflexive complexities of Orientalism especially in the world of fashion, which involves both interchange and mutual exploitation between East and West economically as well as in tourism, fashion, and other arts. Transorientalism thus involves a complex transference of Orientalist prejudices (including economic exploitation) to the exotic Other, an appropriation and transformation of those prejudices by that Other, and then a re-transference of them to the original culture, which was the source of the original prejudice. All of this is a centuries long historical process that continues to take place in the context of contemporary globalization.

Sources & Examples: Geczy, 2013; Geczy, 2015; Geczy & Millner, 2015.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Commercial Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Economic Orientalism, Franchised Orientalism, Hidden Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Sartorial Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Transplanted Orientalism

Other than quoting a 1930 statement by Martha Graham (see below), this term is used only very rarely by scholars. When they do use it, they use it to mean simply the transfer of influential ideological Orientalist attitudes, values, and behaviors from one nation or people to another, such as from the ancient Carthaginians to the Romans. The Graham quotation reads, “We shun the imperialism of the ballet, the sentimentality engulfing the followers of the great Isadora Duncan, the weakling exoticism of a transplanted orientalism." [Graham, Martha. “Seeking an American Art of the Dance.” In Revolt in the Arts: A Survey of the Creation, Distribution and Appreciation of Art in America. Edited by Oliver M. Sayler, p. 253. New York: Brentano, 1930.]

Sources & Examples: Cochrane, 1980; Jowitt, 1988; Pugh, 2015.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism.

Travelling Orientalism

This is a seldom-used term that applies Edward Said’s take on “travelling theory” to the idea of Orientalism. Said sees theories as constantly in motion, undergoing changes that go beyond their original applications and applies these changed theories to later time periods, places, people, and situations as a result. This term suggests that the use of the notion of Orientalism by ideological Orientalists is such a theory, which means that it is malleable, adaptable, and depends on the cultural and intellectual context within which it is used.

Sources & Examples: Jamarkani, 2010; Kumar, 2012; Sinha, 2013.

See also: Ideological Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism.

Tribal Orientalism

Scholars use this rarely used term generally in one of two ways. First, Asoka Kumar Sen uses it in passing to describe the ideologically-based scholarly Orientalist study of a tribal people in India by Indian scholars. In this usage, tribal Orientalism is a form of internal Orientalism, that is the scholars of one nation, territory, or society "orientalize" a people or group within their nation, territory, or society. Second, a very few others have used this term also in passing and pejoratively to describe factions or parties who treat opponents with the prejudices of ideological Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Ilyas, 2013; Sen, 2011.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Local Orientalism.

Tropicality

David Arnold first used this term in 1996, and it has since become widely accepted by other scholars. They use it to describe the ways in which the West has historically constructed tropical regions as being essentially different, dangerous, disease-ridden, and snake-infested natural environments. Tropical peoples, by the same token, are imagined and constructed as being lethargic, backward, ignorant, incapable of making the best use of their natural resources, and thus best served by becoming colonies of the Western nations. As in the case of ideological Orientalism, tropicality represents one way in which Western nations imagine themselves as being civilized, industrious, wise, and capable by comparison. Scholars frequently emphasize the role that Western sciences have played in creating images of and knowledge about “the tropics”—including the complicity of those sciences in promoting colonialism. Western art has also been a medium for imagining the exotic, lush, and dangerous tropics. While Arnold distinguishes tropicality from Edward Said’s notion of Orientalism, most scholars see the two as being similar to one degree or another. Tropicality, however, places particular importance on physical, geographical location and on nature in its imaginative construction of the tropical Other. Scholars frequently ascribe Romanticism as being one source of Western tropicality.

Sources & Examples: Arnold, 2006; Clayton & Bowd, 2006; Dash, 1998; Morawski, 2017; Rosenfeld, 2012; Scott, 2010.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Aesthetic Orientalism, Arcticality, Binary Orientalism, Geographical Orientalism, Quasi-Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Scientific Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.


U

Unintentional Orientalism. See Accidental Orientalism.

Unself-critical Orientalism. See Critical Orientalism.

Urban Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe the ways in which powerful elites impose ideological Orientalist attitudes, values, understandings, and development and planning policies on cities and their communities. The urban Other in these cases is usually imagined and constructed as being people living in slums, the poor, those with limited education, minorities, and/or other similar urban dwellers.

Sources & Examples: Angotti, 2012; Monterescu, 2009b; Wacquant, 1997.

See also: Cultural Orientalism, Governmental Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Racial Orientalism.

Utilitarian Orientalism

Scholars use this rarely used term normally in one of two ways. First, a very few scholars use this term to describe the ways in which European colonial administrators adapted ideological Orientalism to their colonial contexts. Second, Sudeshna Banerjee has used this term to refer to the Orientalism of the British thinker, James Mill, which Banerjee considers to be an earlier, less full-blown version of Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Banerjee, 2006; Dorman, 2009; Marchand, 2001.

See also: Colonial Orientalism, Early Orientalism.


V

Vernacular Orientalism

Scholars use this term usually in one of two ways. First, they use it as a synonym for popular Orientalism —that is the Orientalist prejudices held by the ordinary public as distinct from classical, academic Orientalism. Second, Eitan Bar-Yosef and other scholars have used this term more narrowly to describe a more complex form of British cultural Orientalism, which historically viewed “the Orient” through the lens of the Bible and biblically grounded British culture.

Sources & Examples: Bar-Yosef, 2005; Kitchen, 2014; Ness, Joshua, 2010; Stähler, 2009.

See also: Biblical Orientalism, Cultural Orientalism, Popular Orientalism, Religious Orientalism.

Victorian Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the various ways in which Orientalism was used in Britain’s Victorian Era (from 1830s to the first decade of the 20th century), an era of widespread interest in Asia including especially India, to imagine and construct the Oriental Other in a large variety of ways and through virtually every medium available. Elements of Victorian Orientalism included British colonialism and imperialism, the rising middle-class, scholarly academic Orientalism, the influence of Romantic Orientalism, missionary Orientalism, a deep interest in opium addiction, and a growth in interest in occult Orientalism. In all of this, the dominant themes were those of Saidian Orientalism (including ideological Orientalism), which imagined the Oriental Other as being essentially, irredeemably inferior in all ways except, for some, in mystical spirituality. The Orient was thus constructed to be exotic, backward, feminine (weak), heathen, in decline, barbaric, ignorant, and so on—always in a dualistic, mirror-image contrast to a supposedly superior Britain and West. For some, however, the Orient was also the source of mystical, spiritual knowledge and in that sense superior to the West. Edward W. Said in his book, Orientalism (1978), drew on Victorian Orientalism as one model and source for his critical description of European Orientalism generally. So intimate was the relationship between ideological Orientalism and the Victorian Era that Erin O’Connor has invented the term “Victorientalism” to describe the colonialist-dominated literature of that period.

Sources & Examples: Cass, 2006; Kennedy, n.d.; Al-Neyadi, 2015; O’Connor, 2003; Vidal, 2001; Zon, 2014.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Missionary Orientalism, Neo-Victorian Orientalism, Occult Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism, Traditional Orientalism.

Victorientalism. See Victorian Orientalism.

Virtual Orientalism

Associated with the work of Jane Naomi Iwamura, this term names the process by which non-Asian cultures, particularly in the United States, produce and use imagined Asian spiritualties, turning them into media-created and media-driven stereotypes of the iconic “Oriental monk.” Virtual Orientalisms represent a way in which Western cultures imagine and consume idealized Oriental spiritualties especially in the digital age.

Sources & Examples: Busto, 2010; Iwamura, 2010; Kim, etl al., 2016; King, E., 2015.

Visual Orientalism

This term is fairly widely used, and scholars generally use it to describe the ways in which a range of media have been used to imagine and construct the (Oriental) Other as being essentially different from the (Western) Self. These media include comics, graphic novels, news media, photography, television, and fashion, as well as more traditional media such as painting and photography. Most often Orientalists have used these media stereotypically to imagine the Oriental Other as being among other things exotic, alien, dangerous, inscrutable, sensuous, lacking in civilization, and immoral. The movie poster advertising The Face of Fu Manchu (1965), shown here, illustrates but one example of visual Orientalism. Often, Middle Eastern and other Asian women are the focus of these stereotypes, which draw on such images as the veil, harem, and belly dancing to define their exotic and sexually alluring nature. There are other scholars, however, who argue that much of this analysis relies too much on the one-sided views of Edward W. Said and thus misrepresents the complexities of visual Orientalisms and the differing values and commitments of Western Orientalists. While in theory and to a degree in practice, scholars use this term more broadly than its more narrowly constructed cognate, pictorial Orientalism, there is in fact a good deal of overlap between the two. In many cases, these terms are used to refer especially to paintings and photographs in virtually the same way .

Sources & Examples: Behdad, 2010; Boone, 2014; Creef, 2004; Hurd, 2003; Jones, 2007; Lewis, 1996; Lewis, 2006; Tilloston, 2000.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Pictorial Orientalism, Saidian Orientalism, Sexual Orientalism, Spiritual Orientalism, Techno-Orientalism.

Vitalist Orientalism

Suzanne L. Marchand coined this rarely used term to describe a form of German scholarly Orientalism, beginning in the late 19th century, which functioned as a counter-discourse to ideologically-grounded academic Orientalism and, instead, imagined an admirable Orient and a degenerate West.

Sources & Examples: Marchand, 2001.

See also: Academic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism.


W

Wacky Orientalism

This term has been recently (2016) coined by Wester Wagenaar to describe what he considers to be a new form of ideological Orientalism by which Westerners imagine and construct Japan as being “weird,” that is abnormal, thus affirming and confirming their own standards for normalcy. Other scholars have yet to use this term.

Sources & Examples: Wagenaar, 2016.

See also: Ideological Orientalism.

Weberian Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe a set of scholarly strategies and practices attributed to Max Weber, which are considered to parallel ideological Orientalism. They are held to include treating Asian societies as being homogeneous, having an essential nature, disinclined to change, and passive. Other scholars argue that Weber himself has been “Orientalized” and that his actual views were more complex. This term is not widely used.

Sources & Examples: Alatas, 2002; Alatas & Sinha, 2001; Turner, 1978.

See also: Academic Orientalism, New Orientalism, Sociological Orientalism.

Welfare Orientalism

Scholars normally use this term, associated with Gordon White and Roger Goodman, to describe comparisons made by scholars and other social commentators between Western and East Asian social welfare systems, which comparisons support the argument that Asian systems and their underlying cultural values are inherently superior. These comparisons also justify limiting government’s role in social welfare while not taking into account Western concerns for social rights. This term is not widely used.

Sources & Examples: Takegawa, 2005; White & Goodman, 1998; Zhang, 2003.

See also: Positive Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Social Orientalism.

White Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term to describe the application of ideological Orientalism by members of a dominant Caucasian society to imagine and define members of other races as being essentially inferior. Thereby, the “Occident” is understood to be white and superior and the “Orient” as black (or brown) and inferior. This term is often used in juxtaposition to black Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Jun, 2006; Laforteza, 2007, Laforteza, 2009.

See also: Black Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Racial Orientalism.

World-Systemic Orientalism. See Systemic Orientalism.

Women's Orientalism

Scholars generally use this term in one of two ways. First, they most often use it to describe the ways in which 18th and 19th century European women Orientalists (writers, artists, travelers, and residents in Asia) differed from and were similar to their male Orientalist counterparts in the ways they imagined and constructed the Oriental “Other”. While women Orientalists sometimes did differ especially in treating such things as the harem less ideologically by seeing beyond the exoticness of “Oriental” women, they also frequently exhibited some, most, or even all of the values and attitudes associated with ideological Orientalism. Second, scholars less frequently use this term to describe the ideological Orientalisms of women more generally (not just those of 18th and 19th century women)—again, finding that women Orientalists both differed from and were similar to male Orientalists.

Sources & Examples: Lewis, 1996; Liddle & Rai, 1998; Roberts, 2007; Wu, 2010; Wu, 2013.

See also: Aesthetic Orientalism, Exotic Orientalism, Feminist Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Positive Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.


X - Y - Z

Zen Orientalism

Scholars use this term generally to describe the ways in which Zen Buddhism has been conceptualized, developed, and packaged as an essentially superior form of Japanese (Oriental) spirituality and religious practice. It is thus an instance of reverse Orientalism.

Sources & Examples: Faure, 1993; Lancaster, 2000; Rocha, 2006.

See also: Positive Orientalism, Reverse Orientalism, Self-Orientalism.

Zionist Orientalism

Scholars use this term to describe the emergence of a new form of ideological Jewish Orientalism among Eastern European Jews beginning in the late 19th century that drew especially on Romantic Orientalism to articulate a vision for the return of the Jewish people to their biblical homeland. Zionist Orientalism, historically, has taken two interrelated forms: first, it is used to frame Arabs as being essentially backward, treacherous, and inferior; and second, it is also used as a type of internal Orientalism to frame non-European (“Oriental”) Jews as being backward, lazy, and also inferior. Zionist Orientalists generally have rejected traditional Judaism and envisioned an essentially new, secular, and “modern” Jewish culture. Some scholars use this term to describe the ideological Orientalist supporters of the State of Israel over against Arabs. A very few scholars use the term, Ashkenazi Zionist Orientalism, to emphasize the role of Eastern European Jews in the origin and development of Zionist Orientalism. Dimitry Shumsky uses the term, post-Zionist Orientalism, to describe a Russian-Jewish Orientalism that is a particular type of Zionist Orientalism. [revised 5/17]

Sources & Examples: Alam, 2002; Gordon, 2011; Hirsch, 2009; Hirschfield, 2002; Khawaja,2003; Saposnik, 2008; Shumsky, 2004.

See also: Anti-Semitic Orientalism, Ideological Orientalism, Internal Orientalism, Jewish Orientalism, Primitive Orientalism, Racial Orientalism, Romantic Orientalism.